FOR
NOTHING
AGAINST
EVERY
THING

FIRE TO THE PRISONS
Issue 7//Fall 2009
An Insurrectionary Quarterly

“CONTRARY TO WHAT
HAS BEEN REPEATED
TO US SINCE CHILDHOOD, INTELLIGENCE
DOESN’T MEAN KNOWING HOW TO ADAPT;
OR IF THAT IS A KIND
OF INTELLIGENCE, IT’S
THE INTELLIGENCE OF
SLAVES.”

DISCLAIMER:

F

ire to the Prisons is for informational and educational purposes only. This magazine in no way
encourages or supports any illegal behavior in any
way. This magazine looks only to provide a forum
for conversation and news. All news mentioned
was found as public information and later compiled
or re-organized for this magazine, and any attempt
by anyone to connect this publication to any illegal
behavior is a complete fabrication by forces looking
to impede the spreading of information such as this.
“BUT, WE MIGHT NEED IT!”.

TABLE OF
CONTENTS
T

his magazine is in NO-WAY a “for profit”
publication; nor is it in anyway a formal enterprise or business. We encourage the
re-distribution and re-printing of everything
in this magazine, as well as the magazine in
it’s entirety. Printable PDFs are available for
re-distribution or viewing on our web site included below.
If your reading this, it means that this issue is done. Please let us know what you
think, if you would like to order more, or if
you have any questions by contacting us at
the information below. This magazine is free
to people currently incarcerated by contacting
the prisoner support groups mentioned at the
end of the repression chapter.
We send our utmost love and respect to
those who helped to fund, edit, and contribute
to this magazine. Special thanks to the party
scene for our funds. To the friends who dealt
with our stress, and the friends that shared
their resources and sanity. To the educated
who helped make sure we were presentable.
To the comrade in the room over, to the comrades far away: thank you.
Agitating till the grave,

Fire to the Prisons:
www.firetotheprisons.com
firetotheprisons@gmail.com
c/o Shoelacetown ABC
P.O. Box 8085
Paramus, NJ
07652, USA

BRIEFING Pg. 3
A subtle introduction.
PERMANENT POTENTIAL,
IN PERMANENT CONFLICT Pg. 4
Towards a revolutionary vagueness.
ON “BURNING OUT” Pg. 8
Disempowerment and the modern radical.
WE DEMAND NOTHING Pg. 12
On the Practical Necessity of Demanding Nothing.
A STATEMENT FROM THE UNDECIDED Pg. 23
The liberal/conservative false dichotomy.
ESCAPISM HAS ITS PRICE,
THE ARTIST HAS HIS INCOME Pg. 25
By Social Warhol from Non-Fides.
REPRESSION
(PRISONER + LEGAL UPDATES) Pg. 27
State attempts to constrain, contain, and silence.
STRUGGLE FROM THE INSIDE Pg. 37
A chronology of North American prisoner resistance.
NOTED DESTRUCTION Pg. 42
Anonymous + Anarchist resistance.
NATIVE CONFLICT Pg. 44

Reports on indigenous resistance
ATTACKING DECEPTION Pg. 49
A critique of spirituality and a short list of attacks on churches.
A REMINDER FOR A DELUSIONAL ERA Pg. 52
Against green capitalism, for earth liberation.
CAN’T STOP THE CHAOS Pg. 54
Riots at the G20.
THE SUMMER ANARCHY DIED Pg. 63
MANAGERS OR MARAUDERS OF THE
DESERT? Pg. 66
By Crudo
WORK Pg. 68
A brief description of dead labor.
SHOUT OUTS Pg. 70
Cool books, publishers, and info.
Fire to the Prisons-Issue 7-Table of Contents-Pg. 2

BRIEFING

S

o much energy, anxiety, and
time is put into this publication. Countless hours staring at a computer screen,
constant concern regarding funds, constant complications to find a safe space to
work in, or a never-ending string of weird
mail situations leading us to always feel
like we’re being watched. Some of this
could be from our own computer ineptness or our general poorness. Some of
our anxiety could also stem from our almost in-depth or journalistic knowledge
of state harassment and repression. But on
the other hand, we choose this experience.
We desire to provide a consistent media
for insurrectionary dialogue and conflict.
We realize that content and reporting as
“controversial” as this will never receive
proper funding. For the people who do

the funding aren’t interested in funding an
insurrectionary or anti-political voice. So
our funds have to be creative.
We recognize that the state will in some
cases make its surveillance just visible
enough to frighten you, to silence you
more or less. So we have to breathe and
focus and be smart.
With that said, here we bring issue 7 of
Fire to the Prisons. We hope that this issue helps to inspire and provoke agitation
to the current order of things. We hope
that these words will help to challenge
certain tendencies while strengthening
others. We hope that some will be remembered and supported as they overcome their prison sentences or current
trials. We hope that we stimulate a stoic
solidarity among those sympathetic to the
content, and provide a moment to appreciate the courage of other discontent people,
or put some pseudo-fame and glittering
rhetoric to moments you the reader may
have been part of.

The dumb or elite try to pass us off
as hoodlums. In some ways they’re
right. As we mention we are “for
nothing” and in this we look to create a trend that desires to destroy
“everything”. We are not a political
party, but we are a party; one that
celebrates tension, conflict, and attack. Not against each other, but to
everything that is everything as we
know it.
Fire to the Prisons-Issue 7-Briefing-Pg. 3

PERMANENT POTENTIAL IN
PERMANENT CONFLICT

Towards a Revolutionary Vagueness

F

or too long, any proposal for social
change has been limited to historical ideas and the
textbooks that support them. For too long, rebellion has been constrained by the shackles of subculture and aesthetics. For too long, struggle has
been a desperate game of politics. For too long, the
desire to revolt has been contextualized as a special interest. For too long, isolation and ideology
have created divisions and weaknesses that thwart
any attempts to realize collective frustration.
Those who control society have carved out a
space for dissent so that all attempts to challenge
the system of control are merely rehearsals of rituals everyone knows the script to. With our accep-

tance of this, dissent becomes too subtle to disrupt
or pose a real challenge to such a society. Political
campaigns and programs reach out to “more and
more people” hoping for some mass compliance or
precise “agreement” with the political agendas that
lay cement over the potential directions of social
revolt and liberatory struggles. On the other hand,
what if someone was to say that there are already
enough people?
“In the United States, wealth is highly concentrated in relatively few hands. As of 2004, the top 1%
of households (the upper class) owned 34.3% of
all privately held wealth, and the next 19% (the
managerial, professional, and small business stratum) had 50.3%, which means that just 20% of
the people owned a remarkable 85%, leaving only
15% of the wealth for the bottom 80% (wage and
salary workers).”

Fire to the Prisons-Issue 7-Permanent Potential in Permanent Conflict-Pg. 4

Are we to assume that the bottom of the
barrel is a place of comfort? Police are shot
regularly and most people don’t shed a tear.
Most people look to evade the police, and if
noticed, flee them. People steal constantly
from their workplace, and some may call
this an attempt to sabotage the material circumstances of their everyday misery.

that we don’t want. Of course, our mutual
dislike for that which enforces power over
us provides a dialogue for potential affinity.
Those of us without wealth, comfort, control, content, and so on, must comfort our
discomfort with a realization that frustration is everywhere, and it is growing more
and more fierce.

Ruptures in social normalcy happen everyday; some are pretty, some are not.

Frustration is not isolated, discontent is
not something that is unique, it is as global
as the economy is, as overwhelming as
modern industry is, as all-encompassing as
the state is. Whether or not everyone has
read the same book, or read a book at all,
a climate of content and compliance is deteriorating more and more. One recent exciting conflict was in Savar, Bangladesh,
in the Ashulia district, near Dhaka. In
June, around 1,800 factory workers were
striking due to the typical third world labor conditions, which the first world takes
pity on from a distance when they see it
on the news. Once the owners responded
to the demands of the striking workers,
they returned to work. Once they returned
to work they were informed that the pinpointed “leaders” of the strike would be
fired. In solidarity with the fired workers,
the now disillusioned factory workers began to stage another demonstration making
new demands for the owners to meet. The
owners called the police to stop the demonstration, leading to the death of one demonstrator, the wounding of another, and the
injuries and arrests of dozens. This area of
Bangladesh is home to many garment factories like the one that caused the original
strike. Once the news spread that another
worker was killed in the demonstration,
conflict spread across the district, workers from different factories began to strike.
The entire area had turned into a battleground between the owners and protectors of the factories and those who worked
inside them. Different workers blocked
the highways with burning tires and cars,
preventing the flow of goods from entering
or leaving. Police were confronted on every corner with a hail of bottles, rocks, and
other projectiles, leading to the injury of
around 20 officers. Fifty garment factories
were attacked, and some were completely
burned to the ground. Paramilitary security forces were brought in to disperse the
crowds and calm the violence, but the tension remains high. This garment district is
notorious for such random outbursts, so a

School shootings. Bank robberies. Arson.
Graffiti.
We all realize our lack of touch, our lack of
control, our lack of depth.
Drugs. Porn. Suicide. Television.
Are we not angry?
Are we not bored?
Are we not all cynical and exhausted with
a society that celebrates fillers and alienation?
Are we not all violently angry, loveless,
hungry, thirsty and tired?
What would happen if people stopped
looking for temporary relief?
What would happen if everyone was able
to do what they pleased without the threat
of consequence or punishment for their behavior?
This is the rationalization of government
and the driving force for our alienated humanity to continue playing out the social
dynamics of a morgue. This kind of thinking stands as the reasoning behind political agendas and platforms that rely on the
calculated agreement of a large number of
people over another group of people.
When you play the game of politics, or
exercise such an arrogance of having all
the answers, you can then say that we don’t
have enough people, because a form of
domination is needed to enforce a decision
that represents an opposition to inclusion.
When we enter the lush jungle beyond the
stale terrain of politics, we begin to discover a unifying force in not knowing what it is
we want—while agreeing about what it is

situation like this could happen at any moment, any time, any day.
This disruption started with demands,
something that requires a certain amount of
faith in who or what it is you are demanding things from. It ended with a realization of disempowerment and disappointment that manifested itself as a discontent
willfully overstepping the boundaries that
make the current system of production and
control comfortable.
Yes, this began with an interest in reforming the workplace, but it ended with
a desire for something that could not be
granted. There was no concrete rhetoric but
there were concrete gestures.
What would happen if the flows
of production were blocked?
What would happen if the
workplace was burned down?
How would burning down the
means of survival in the
industrial garment district have
brought anyone closer to living?
Iran’s recent election precipitated the
country’s almost-collapse. Unlike the posturing of the 2004 U.S. presidential elections when Bush was re-elected and we
heard nothing but liberals’ complaints until 2008, the gestures that came out of the
public disappointment in Iran challenged
the normalcy of the everyday in a totalistic
fashion.
Whether or not the election was rigged,
whether or not the right person ‘properly’
won, a failure in the spectacle of democratic control led to a success in complete
and generalized social upheaval. Strangers
were burning government buildings and
fighting the police together. The mainstream painted the agendas of these uprisings to represent one political goal or issue
in society, the feelings that provoked this
behavior were beyond the standard political frameworks; in fact, they were anti-political and in no way looked to work with
the forces that determine and manipulate
everyday life.
Just like the mainstream media, mainstream political groups will either project
their agenda onto the uprising or claim no
importance on them at all. When you en-

Fire to the Prisons-Issue 7-Permanent Potential in Permanent Conflict-Pg. 5

*

“As certain political
people deny the potential of these conflicts,
and as the media paints
the aims of these conflicts, it is important
for those frustrated
with this world, not
interested in politics,
and untrustworthy of
journalism to begin to
learn from these conflicts that begin small
in numbers, effect,
and goal, and grow and
transition into violent
social upheavals that
challenge everything.”

gage in politics, you limit your capability to effect; you not only limit the extent to which you
can push a struggle, you also isolate yourself to
ideological baggage that comes with claiming
a certain political perspective. Political people
will neglect to recognize the importance of conflicts that refuse to claim some specific thing as
a goal, or they don’t cite particular theoretical
points, have some specific political leader or
affiliation, or weren’t organized according to
an established or familiar ideology.
According to both the left and right mainstream media, the French riots of 2005 and
the December insurrection in Greece in 2008
were simply manifestations of disenfranchised
youth rebellion. The LA riots were only about
Rodney King. The recent escalation in the Mapuche conflict with the state in Chile was only
about the most recent murder. In each case, the
media and politics isolate each event, making
them typical and harder to spread. They are no
longer people frustrated with the reality of their
circumstances in the world, they are just another situation or group walking the path of global
politics, carrying whatever baggage the media
or political group tells the world they have.
No matter how you look at these situations,
they all act as disturbances in the peace and
normalcy of modern everyday life; the car of
apathy and compliance before the desert of
coercion and domination was left behind and
burnt. These moments present a context for
accessible frustration that looks to explore its
actualization beyond the boundaries of politics.
These situations present a revolutionary
vagueness that excites those who look to challenge the world as we know it. A vagueness
that doesn’t claim to have the answers, but it
does claim to know the problems. A vagueness
that sets a trend for the new revolutionary to
push for every conflict to spread, every conflict
to not remain isolated, to act as a social force
not when it serves the interests of typical and
conditional dissent, but that realizes the state of
permanent conflict that prevails in the modern
world.
To be political in society today means to claim
a special interest. You defend such an interest
and ignore anything that doesn’t serve the development of that interest. In the current times
of economic crisis, a global cultural void, and
a stagnant yet stumbling international society,
every conflict could present the final nail to the
world as we know it. As certain political people

deny the potential of these conflicts, and as the
media paints the aims of these conflicts, it is
important for those frustrated with this world,
not interested in politics, and untrustworthy of
journalism to begin to learn from these conflicts that begin small in numbers, effect, and
goal, and grow and transition into violent social upheavals that challenge everything.
In an era where we’re told that everything
has already been done, and some of us were
just meant to be fucked and miserable, people
are looking to stimulate a desire for real confrontation with society—to create and maintain
a social force that breaks with society in the
challenge of destroying it. We are not autonomous, we are everywhere and everyone. We are
looking to set an invisible trend that is already
here, that abandons the shackles of subculture,
identity and ideology, and finds comfort in the
revolutionary discomfort we all feel. The suicidal are in control, destroying the land that
feeds us, mediating our relationships with each
other and all life on this planet, and establishing a global reality that efficiently forces all
life to survival as opposed to living. There is
unity in our cynicism, skepticism, and common
contempt. There is unity in our neglected passions, malnourishment, and feared temptations.
While there is also a division set in their very
existence, there is a unity in these feelings.
There are those who share these feelings, and
those who look to silence them, deceive them,
or murder and imprison those feeling them.
As it is, we are not a ‘we,’ we are a world
of calculated roles and classes, races and religions, subjects and bastard children of a larger
system. We have work for our identities (some
of us), hospitals for our health (some of us),
police for our safety (some of us), porn for our
sexuality (some of us), god for our faith (some
of us), or the rich and famous to set precedents
for our ambitions (some of us). We are not a
‘we,’ we are the fabrications of ‘them.’ Them
being the creators and sustainers of a central
power that strips us of being an us.
We look to go beyond politics in our recognition of society being inherently fucked-up. We
look to negate our patient and compliant selves,
and look at ways to challenge and disrupt, because that is what we are to do if we ever want
to be without this. We propose no solutions,
but a call out for a solidarity of targets. We are
looking to create and continue conversations
we have all had or thought of, and look at the
global civilization that runs and ruins all life

Fire to the Prisons-Issue 7-Permanent Potential in Permanent Conflict-Pg. 6

today with an ironically optimistic recognition of the inherently conflicting discontent that
will be just as global as civilization’s infrastructure.
There will always be those
who second guess, re-examine
things more than others, or go it
alone. Such a uniqueness does
not call for the Leninist idea of
vanguardism, or the arrogant
and insecure need for devious
aesthetics to match unusual
thinking. We are excited people,
uninterested in politics. We are
unable to sum up our desires
in one word, or sum up ourselves with one goal, or sum up
the world. We are not looking
to be heard by the intellectual
and political facets of society;
we no longer care for dialogue
of this kind, we don’t care to
earn our voice; in fact we only
look to mock and yell over any
dialogue. We are hoping to call

attention to the need to revolt,
not to calculate the specific conditions needed to serve reform
or whatever social program.
We look to steer away from the
academic stronghold of dissent,
while unifying both the selfappointed revolutionaries of the
world, and those without identity, but also without content.
With this we must realize that
there is a constant social war.
With the persistence of what exists as our habitual reality, there
will always be conflict, there
will always be rupture, there
will always be vulnerability,
there will always be potential;
in every conflict, every moment.
Whether this war manifests in
ferocious riot and unrest, or
murder and prison, as long as
such a world exists there is the
potential for its inherent tension
to escalate at any moment.

ANY
MOMENT

I

n so-called revolutionary movements, both
historical and current ones,
the concept of “burning” or
“dropping” out is consistently apparent. Obviously,
after years of trying and
failing to achieve a specific
goal like social insurrection
or revolution, one might
eventually feel some degree
of disempowerment or disappointment.

“Obviously, after years of trying and failing to achieve a
specific goal like social insurrection or revolution, one
might eventually feel some
degree of disempowerment
or disappointment.”

“ON
burning
out”

For example, when you
are a part of a movement
that faces consistent repression by the state, whether
that be through surveillance
and infiltration by the government, or insane bail fees
and prison sentences by its
legal system, such bullying
can (because that is the government’s intention) carry
an anxiety or paranoia that
would torment any community or individual waving
a radical flag. People get
drunk and break windows,
spray-paint
buildings,
smash statues, or commit
violence all the time. These
petty crimes are the enjoyment of teenagers across the
world. Insurrectionists and
revolutionaries mystify this
behavior by isolating acts of
violence, politicizing them,
and as a result, separating them from the social
violence of daily life. As
a result, the state manages
such behavior as different,
particular, “political,” and
determines consequences
accordingly.
Violence is sexy and, when
done in a certain way, probably the best propaganda
tool for visually inspiring
others who are bitter and

fed up with the world to
also confront it. We would
definitely love to walk
around the financial districts of each city and see
flames coming out of every window and the owners of the buildings running
with fear, but we recognize
that there are baby steps to
walk when you’re trying to
fight someone while they’re
pointing a gun at you. There
is a responsible way of being violent. In revolutionary communities the idea
of these actions being done
responsibly is called “security culture.” This term is a
sensational way of applying
common sense but is also
a response to the harsher
attention paid to these actions by the police when
they turn from expressions
of discontent to “direct action.” When petty violence
that everyone can understand (for example a police
car or bank being attacked)
becomes claimed and reified as an expression of a
specific political agenda,
this can bring a dynamic of
isolation.
Isolation, however, is contrary to the intention of every revolutionary struggle.
We are not against such
violence, but frustrated
with the formalization and
specialization of it by political groups. Petty sabotage includes everything
from small gestures of discontent to formalized resistance that only caters to the
excitement of a few; when
sabotage becomes formalized or “direct action” it
creates almost a subculture
of violence as opposed to a
force that carries significant
potential to threaten that
which it opposes. A significant threat provides simple
examples of how to resist

Fire to the Prisons-Issue 7-On Burning Out-Pg. 8

now, potentially exciting anyone and
spreading anywhere. Also, in terms of
strategy, when graffiti or property destruction becomes claimed by a larger formal
underground movement, your behavior
goes from a fine or probation, to months
or years in jail. It’s important that we start
to explore resistance that speaks for itself,
or actions that communicate something accessible, to not just those who hear about
it on different blogs or web sites, but also
by those walking by. By witnessing friends
going to jail ourselves, we can understand
how state repression can “scare straight”
political people, especially young people,
in underground movements. In the case
of isolated struggles, the potential of its
failure or subjugation might just not be
worth the time for some. We also see this
in the case of informants or snitches, the
relationships aren’t worth the time, the action isn’t worth the time, the struggle isn’t
worth their time; it’s a hobby, something to
get bored with. Of course if someone was
killed on your block, or a friend was put
in jail, claiming actions with specific social
goals are important to strengthening communities in struggle. But when resistance
becomes connected to an underground
movement that has a web site, a banner,
or issues communiqués claiming to know
all the answers, the potential of the action
to spread dies immediately. It becomes the
exclusive project of those claiming it, not a
book without words where those who walk
by or hear about it have to come up with
their own conclusion, based on their experiences and desires, as to what it means.
There is also the individual’s isolation
that comes with prescribing to a political
movement—it’s just like work. When a political cause is taking up all your time like
a job, then your social life is effectively
reduced to work as well. Today’s revolutionary is probably the most confused
and lost revolutionary in written history.
In a world where people are told “history
is over, it’s all been done before”, people
struggle simply for a feeling of uniqueness.
As opposed to realizing that we are all in
struggle in the modern world, the modern
revolutionary searches for their distinction
as opposed to commonality, making it difficult for them to relate with anyone but
those who think or look like them on the
surface. As they swim in the kiddie pool
of false subjectivity, all time is lost swimming to places and events specifically re-

lated to their specialized cause. People get
involved with different causes for different
reasons, but unfortunately, many of these
people are motivated by a need for purpose
and identity. This is why young people are
always a dominant force in revolutionary
movements, because they are not fully
shackled to ritual or career yet, and have
still not found their social niche. But when
you join the movement, just like when you
join a band or sorority or fraternity, you’re
discovering purpose; you are finding your
“self.” Just like any social club, the intention is to celebrate the club itself and to
engage in a project of exclusivity, not inclusivity. Years of attending conferences
and organizing protests does not match the
sincerity or significance of the moment a
group of kids sabotage the car of the officer
who chased them out of the parking lot behind the church they had turned into a skate
park. When the need to experience excitement or something new is your motivation
for engaging in a political movement or
scene you leave the door open for disappointment and getting “burnt” much more
then someone who doesn’t recognize their
“political resistance” as something separate
from their lives.
Many people in the U.S. who engage in
formal political protest or dialogue come
from a white or financially comfortable
background. This may be because when
someone is putting food on your plate and
providing for your every basic need, you
have the time to think, to read, to challenge
society in some formally political or intellectual way. Frustration with everyday life
is all around, hatred for money can be heard
in almost every conversation, a disdain for
the police always manifests when you finally have to deal with them. To radically
challenge the totality of society is to engage
in a project that looks to generalize, expand, and be made accessible to everyone.
Obviously, once someone realizes their
isolation or false sense of subjectivity, such
disillusionment can drain the energy of any
revolutionary. When we turn passions into
rhetoric, ideas into logos, or communities
into scenes, we wound the sincerity of a
struggle, making it so we celebrate banners
and our differences from everyone who
doesn’t comply with our aesthetic expectations. We lose out on other friends, other
conversations, and become an isolated social cesspool. Is it not surprising that this
would get tiring? Is it not surprising that

there are so many ass holes in political circles or creepy old people that subsist off of
the spinelessness or generosity of the youth
that make up the activity of many political
circles? Is it not surprising that when relationships are discovered through a weak
affinity of aesthetic or academic affiliation,
that when times get hard, when things are
too much, when you didn’t have the time,
or when you got “too old”, that such interests, such relationships, or such a struggle,
would be expendable?
Struggle is something that comes out of
circumstances that need to be challenged.
When you are fabricating a need for struggle while really battling a personal struggle
with purpose and identity, you are creating a context that cannot exactly stand its
ground. For example, the success of contemporary politics is usually based on its
recognition in the Western world. In the
Western world, most people do not feel the
need to struggle due to the liberal idea of
individual freedom, an idea of freedom that
is based on greater access to the Western
ideals of “wealth” and “privilege.” With
this false belief of being free, many individuals, especially those of white or middle-class backgrounds, look to experience
some sort of struggle via political movements, or look to different ideologies or
theories to tell them where to direct their
anger. That is why in the first world, many
political people with revolutionary tendencies tend to fetishize struggles from other
nations, assuming that such resistance isn’t
feasible here. Although the circumstances
of Western everyday life might not be as
aesthetically tragic as those struggles or
circumstances of the “third-world” discussed in political science or sociology
classrooms, we are living in a global world.
In reality, for some people to have so-called
wealth and privilege, others cannot. But
when you are talking exclusively from theory and the struggles of the other, you are
approaching struggle from a distance. You
are disconnected from the experiences and
frustrations that motivate discontent people
to struggle. Not in all cases, but in many,
you inevitably become tired of dedicating
yourself to something that only effects you
intellectually or emotionally in the form of
pity. You are looking away from the moment, the local, the immediate presence
of the same culture that effects so-and-so
tribe in so–and-so impoverished part of the
world. Of course with the Internet and the
Fire to the Prisons-Issue 7-On Burning Out-Pg. 9

absurd access to news and information we have in the modern
world, it is important to discover feelings of discontent across the
world, and obviously it is inspiring to witness ways other people
are materializing their discontent, but to participate in struggle by
being a spectator distracts you from the tragedy of one’s personal
daily life and further alienates you from more immediate circumstances of repression. The guilty first-worlders tend to give back
by donating money to charity, purchasing certain products, or discussing certain opinions. They hope to have “a little” effect on the
world. For the most part, the more angsty political types merely
repeat the behavior they saw from a distance, maybe by incorporating a bit edgier of an intention in doing so. In both cases those
“trying to make a difference” are placing faith in global politics
and giving in to the deception of a first-world idea of privilege.
Such political types that look to make the global stratified atmosphere more tolerable never look for immediate change in their
immediate context, always leaving themselves open to a feeling
of disempowerment, that is inherent in politics. Again, we are not
saying that if there are riots in Chile it should not inspire others
across the world to do the same, we are saying that there is a dangerous tendency of specifically youth-dominated political movements to fetishize the events to a point where they feel that they
can only appreciate them from a distance, because such a thing
is “never possible” in a first-world post-industrial nation like the
United States. Remember the United States is a very fearful nation, a very fat nation, and a very divided nation. The apathy felt

by a large portion of America’s population is unique in how severe
it is compared to many other parts of the world, but to allow ourselves to succumb to such thinking generally is to only pay attention to the outlooks of the upper political and economic classes,
and their cronies, because most of us at the bottom are fed up and
likely to explode.
If you are in a position of so-called first world privilege, it can be
disappointing if your parents or college friends do not agree with
you, they do not hate all police, or feel that you should give in because somewhere in the world is allegedly worse than where you
are now. But these are not discontent people, these are not people
that have nothing to lose with the loss of this society—these people
still hold this society sacred and value the things offered by this
society, because they are to their benefit. It is important for people
to realize that there is a global economy, a global world, a global
metropolis. It is connected while also divided, and in need of attack everywhere and on every angle. If we continue to shift our
time, energy and exclusive sympathies from one movement to the
other, we will never have the time to realize what is right in front
of us: our everyday lives, our immediate surroundings, and the
communities that take part in them. Until we realize the interconnectedness of everything, or the tragedy and coercion in our own
everyday lives, at any moment we can get tired and nourish such
exhaustion with apathy. Until we begin to open our eyes to what
is around us, and no longer allow the false wealth of first-world
Fire to the Prisons-Issue 7-On Burning Out-Pg. 10

capitalist society to deceive our
ambitions, we will get tired, we
will be political hobbyists, we
will never play a part in spreading social revolt, only in letting
it stagnate and remain sterile.
When your relationships are
created purely as a result of a
scene or superficial “hobby”
they are expendable. When you
are engaging in a community
that nourishes you on a deep
level, or inspires you to get up
in the morning, or allows you to
escape the alienation of the current world just a little bit, then
“burning out” would not be as
easy as an option as many have
made it seem before.

We must seriously challenge
ourselves and friends to realize the importance of forming
relationships that go beyond
the standard superficial bonds
society tells us is friendship. We
need to stop using each other
for our own ends, and start investing our energies in collective ends. If our communities
remain scenes, if our friends
remain only comrades, if our
relationships remain limited to
a similarity of aesthetics rather
than deep connections, at any
moment the entirety of our community could fall apart. Such
a false community, although it
claims distinction in aesthetic
and superficial interests, still
operates with the same alienated dynamics encouraged by
this alienated society.

WE
DEMAND
NOTHING
By Johann Kaspar

“I do not demand any right, therefore I need not recognize any either.”- Stirner

O

n the night of August 8th,
2009, hundreds of inmates at the California
Institution for Men in Chino rioted for 11
hours, causing “significant and extensive”
damage to the medium-security prison.
Two hundred and fifty prisoners were injured, with fifty-five admitted to the hospital. On Mayday 2009, three blocks of San
Francisco’s luxury shopping district were
wrecked by a roving mob, leaving glass
strewn throughout the sidewalk for the
shopkeepers, police and journalists to gawk
at the next morning. On the early morning
of April 10th, 2009, nineteen individuals
took over and locked down an empty university building the size of a city-block on
5th avenue in Manhattan, draping banners
and reading communiqués off the roof. Police and university officials responded by
sending helicopters, swat teams, and hundreds of officers to break in and arrest them
all. After Oscar Grant, an unarmed black

man, was killed by transit authority officers
in Oakland, California on New Years Day
2009, a march of about 250 people turned
wild when a multiculturalist’s dream focus
group rampaged through downtown, causing over $200,000 in damage while breaking shop windows, burning cars, setting
trash bins on fire, and throwing bottles at
police officers. Police arrested over 100.
From December 6th, 2008 to Christmas,
a rebellion swept Greece after the police
shooting of a 16 year old boy in Athens.
Hundreds of thousands of people took part,
collectively ripping up the streets, firebombing police stations, looting stores, occupying universities and union buildings,
all the while confronting cops on a daily
basis with an intensity and coordination
worthy of an army. After the “accidental”
deaths of two kids who were being chased
by police in the Parisian suburb of Clichysous-Bois, on Oct 27th, 2005, youths in the
French banlieues burned thousands of cars,
smashed hundreds of buildings, and destroyed shops large and small every day for
three weeks in response. 8,973 cars burned
all over France those nights, and 2,888
were arrested.
What unites these disparate events of the
last few years? Neither the race nor class
backgrounds of the participants, neither

their political contexts nor social conditions, neither their locations nor their targets. Rather, it is a certain absence that
unites them, a gap in the center of all these
conflicts: the lack of demands. Looking to
understand, manage, or explain the aforementioned events to an alienated public,
prison officials claim ignorance, journalists
scavenge for a “cause,” politicians seek for
something to negotiate with, while liberals
impose their own ideology. The fear is that
there really is nothing beneath the actions,
no complaint, no reason, no cause, just a
wild release of primal energy, as inexplicable and irrational as a sacrifice to the
gods themselves. At all costs, there must be
meaning, they cry, some kind of handle to
grab onto, something, anything. What do
they want? everyone asks, and the reply is
everywhere the same: Nothing.
From Chino to Paris, Australia to Athens,
New York to San Francisco, these are only
a sample of revolts worldwide that have
increasingly given up on the desire to “demand something.” To the bourgeois press,
the lack of demands is conceived of as a
symptom of irrationality, a certain madness
or pathology that plagues the disenfranchised. To the radical left, the absence of
demands is seen as political immaturity, a
naïve rage that can only exhaust itself in
Fire to the Prisons-Issue 7-We Demand Nothing-P. 12

short bursts. But to those who’ve shared
such deeds together, to those who’ve seen
their demands become the means of their
own suffocation, such a trend is a welcome
sign of things to come.
Perhaps it’s time we stop seeing these
struggles as “lacking” something, but rather as determinate acts of negation with their
own particular force, meaning, and history.
To take seriously the content of struggles
without demands, one must see them not
as isolated events, but as moments within a
history of developing antagonistic relations
between capital and the life it subsumes.
What are the forms in which struggles
without demands appear to us? As riots
mostly, but also as wild strikes, endless
occupations, violent rebellions, popular
uprisings and general insurrections. Instead of seeing a riot as sociologists do,
namely as any collective act of violence
which seeks to directly communicate its
message without respect to legal norms,
we can see them as they appear to us: as
developing forms of struggle adequate to
the conditions of exploitation at their par-

ticular time. Riots usually start with some
grievance, sometimes with a demand in
sight. A riot can also start with no demand,
but end with one. Other times, riots begin
with a particular demand, but end without
any care whatsoever for its accomplishment. Sometimes demands are forced onto
a collectivity of rioters by a self-appointed
“representative” and other times demands
are decided on by the collectivity themselves. Every aforementioned case has
occurred in American history, and it is the
task of the insurrectionary scientist to uncover any possible logics to the historical
development of such relations in the dialectic between demand and destruction. As
the conditions of exploitation develop, so
do the struggles against them, and with this
the meaning of the struggles themselves
change, expressed not by demands but by
the content of the activity itself. It is this
activity we investigate below.
THEORY OF THE DEMAND
What is a demand? Etymologically, it is a
giving of one’s hand, an order. In the con-

“Perhaps it’s
time we stop
seeing these
struggles
as “lacking”
something, but
rather as determinate acts
of negation
with their own

text here, the demand is a contract, the
guaranteed expiration date of one’s struggle, the conditions for its conclusion. “If x
is achieved, action y will end” is what the
demand says. But this is obviously a trick,
for a contract assumes two equal sides, two
abstract individuals or entities exchanging
the dates of their expiration of hostilities
based on a mutual recognition of conditions. If the vote is the political equivalent
to money, then the demand is the political
equivalent to credit cards. It is faith, a contract, a password to get something when
one has nothing. It can be used by anyone,
thieves and kings, rich and poor, just and
unjust; its function is the same, to lock one
in deeper to the structure of capital.
Why do struggles with demands tend to
get wilder, and struggles without them tend
to proliferate? On the one hand, the ability of the state or capital to satisfy minimal
demands is being eroded. In a hyper globalized economy, worker’s don’t need to
be guaranteed to socially reproduce themselves as workers where they are, for all
that capital requires is some worker, any-

particular force, meaning, and history. To take
seriously the content
of struggles without
demands, one must see
them not as isolated

events, but as moments within
a history of developing antagonistic relations between capital
and the life it subsumes.”
Fire to the Prisons-Issue 7-We Demand Nothing-P. 13

where, to do the job. Wage-demands and demands
to maintain work hit up against the brick wall of the
law of value. Proletarians realize this and respond,
now threatening to blow up their factory (at New
Fabris in Paris, for example), kidnapping bosses
(at Scapa in France), and striking not for improving conditions, better wages or even keeping their
jobs, but for money, just more money when they
sell the factory. No illusion anymore, they seem to
be saying we are nothing, we have nothing, we demand nothing except some paltry means to soften
our fall. The limits of demands reveal the limits of

class struggle, which can either mean the opening to
its overcoming through broadened social struggle—
insurrection, social war—, or the closure of struggle
all together. We bet on the former.
Although the possibility to satisfy demands is becoming harder, demands are still made, perhaps out
of habit, or desperation. The demand is only able
to reproduce capital, since we have been emptied
of all content besides the content of capital: when
we eat, drink, walk, kiss, fuck, fight, or learn for
ourselves, it is not for ourselves but for needs and

“From Chino to Paris, Australia
to Athens, New York to San Francisco, these are only a sample
of revolts worldwide that have
increasingly given up on the desire to “demand something.” To
the bourgeois press, the lack of
demands is conceived of as a
symptom
irrationality,
a cerOurofonly
genutain madness
pathology
that
ine needorcan
be
plaguestothe
disenfranchised.
To
liberate
need
the radical
left,
the absence of
from its
submisdemands
is to
seen
as political imsion
capital.
maturity, a naïve rage that can
only exhaust
short bursts.desires set by the laws of economy to proUntil itself
that inocBut to those
who’ve
shared suchduce value. Alien to ourselves, we are at
curs, our
needs
deeds together,
to those
who’vehome in capital. We don’t even know our
will continue
to
seen their
demands
become theneeds, and yet we still hold banners crying
be nothing
more
means than
of their
suffocation,for their fulfillment. Our only genuine need
a own
means
such a for
trend
is purpose
a welcome sign ofcan be to liberate need from its submission
the
things to
of COME.”
reproducing
to capital. Until that occurs, our needs will
wealth, and decontinue to be nothing more than a means
mands are simfor the purpose of reproducing wealth, and
ply the respite,
demands are simply the respite, the handle
the handle in
in which our needs can be grabbed, reprowhich our needs
duced, reconfigured, and reasserted.
can be grabbed,
reproduced, reWithout a particular demand, no mediation
configured, and
can be made to pacify them, no politics are
reasserted.
possible to manage the dispute; “not” having a demand is not a lack of anything, but
a contradictory assertion of one’s power and
one’s weakness. Too weak to even try and
get something from those who dominate
proletarian life, and simultaneously strong
enough to try and accomplish the direct appropriation of one’s life, time, and activity
apart from mediation. A demandless struggle, whether we call it riot or rebellion, insurrection or civil war, reveals the totality
of the enemy one fights (capital-as-society)
and the totality of those who fight it (the

*

potentiality of non-alienated life). In such
struggles, the proletariat “lays claims to no
particular right because the wrong it suffers
is not a particular wrong but wrong in general.” (Marx). This “general wrong” is the
generalized structure of exploitation at the
heart of the capitalist system—the forced
selling of one’s time and life activity to
someone else in return for a wage—which
can never be overcome by any particular
change, only by a total one.
As particular demands transform themselves throughout American history—from
wage-demands to social demands to political demands to environmental ones—
the potential refusal of demands haunts
the bourgeoisie. This is obvious to anyone
who takes the levels of class violence employed by the exploited as rational forms of
contending with an objective structure of
domination. What is not so obvious is the
ways in which this refusal manifests itself
in differing forms of property destruction,
expropriation, and arson. Only history can
show this.

Fire to the Prisons-Issue 7-We Demand Nothing-P. 14

SEQUENCES OF STRUGGLE
The New York City Draft Riots of 1863,
the bloodiest riot in American history (120
killed at least, 2,000 injured, 50 buildings
burned), contains all the contradictions and
elements that were to develop and separate
out into their own forms throughout the
next century: political demands (no draft,
no war), class attacks (property destruction, arson, looting), and race war (physical
assaults, killing). Between the Draft Riots
and the Oscar Grant riots, we notice three
broad trends that emerge in relation to the
content of insurrectionary activity and the
form it takes as “demand.”
Broadly speaking, we can separate three
main historical periods of rioting in relation to their issues or form, and two historical styles in relation to their methods
or content. The struggle between labor and
capital between 1877 and 1934, the conflicts over race between 1935 and 1968,
and the student and anti-war actions of the
60’s and 70’s are the three broad traditions
that congealed into the modern protest of
our time. The women’s, gay liberation and
anti-nuke actions of the 70’s and 80’s and
the revival of riots over race relations in
Miami and New York City in the ‘80s continued the dual legacy of 60’s style riots in
its two different forms. It is not until the
Rodney King riots in LA (and elsewhere)
of 1992 that a new phase of revolt begins,
one which we are still within today.
From 1877-1934, labor struggles in America took on levels of violence unseen before or since. In that period, demands were
made over wages, working conditions, and
the length of the working day, but once
these basic demands were outlined in the
1860’s, almost nothing new emerged. From
then on the level of class struggle escalated
while the demands become less and less
important. Rail strikes immediately turned
into riots, spreading nationally along the
railway, leaving thousand of train cars
destroyed, dead bodies on both sides, and
thousands injured. Coal miners blew up
their own mines, and factory workers killed
Pinkertons outside their gates.
Property destruction was widespread, but
its focus and meaning were different then
they are today. First of all, the property attacked by workers’ was their own tools and

products of labor, that is, the means of production they were using to create new value
for their employer. By destroying their own
instruments of production – rail lines, coal
mines, factory machines – they were destroying the unity of the capitalist production process, not merely its appearance as
commodity in the realm of circulation and
consumption. Second, although the machines, rails, train cars, trolleys, mines, and
factories that different workers destroyed
were under the legal ownership of the capitalist who employed them, they were seen
by the workers as their own property. This
is because the machines were the product and means of their labor, their physical and mental exertion. The attack on this
property was not merely an attack against
capitalists, but against that which makes
them proletarians: work, tools, value. The
self-abolition of the proletariat was not
expressed formally in any one of their demands, but posed materially in the actions
and targets themselves.
From Harlem 1935 to Washington D.C.
1968, class struggles took the form of appearance of “race relations” and “ghetto
riots.” Qualitatively different than the Jim
Crow anti-black, and anti-immigrant riots[1], these struggles were dominated by
proletarian and subproletarian black assaults on the foundations of white, bourgeois society: police, stores, banks, buildings, and cars. Looting and arson were the
principle methods used to critique such elements. The looting that occurred in Harlem
’35, ’43, and then in Watts, Newark and
Detroit of the mid-60’s, was not the looting
of people’s houses, such as the looting of
capitalist houses during the Draft riots of
1863, but rather it was the looting of shops
and stores, the places at which the products people make are sold back to them for
prices they can’t afford. In other words,
the looting was social, not personal. It was
the critique of a society which depends on
people accumulating shit they don’t need
and desiring shit they make but can’t have.
Arson is nothing new in the history of
American class violence (English laborers burned machinery threatening their
jobs in the 18th century), but it thoroughly
shocked the bourgeoisie when blacks started burning down their own neighborhoods.
Why? What was so new about the fire this
time? Perhaps it was the change in the nature of this property destruction, a change

markedly different than that of the previous
era of riots. Yes, people were burning and
destroying all the property around them,
but it wasn’t their property. It was owned
by someone outside the ghetto. As opposed to the previous rail, coal, streetcar,
and factory workers’ destruction of what
they deemed their own property (although
technically it was owned by the capitalist),
these folks knew it wasn’t their property,
and were happy to get rid of it. Even if it
means sabotaging their own means of existence, such as access to food, shelter, and
transportation. For the practical rejection
of capital entails the abolition of one’s previous mode of life, and this self-negation
always appears as suicidal. But it is only
suicidal from the standpoint of capital, not
from the perspective of human beings actively creating their lives for the first time.
Between June 1963 and May 1968, there
were 239 separate urban riots involving
at least 200,000 participants, which led to
8,000 injuries and 190 deaths. On April
4th 1968 alone, after MLK Jr’s death, 125
cities across 28 states rioted, leading to 47
deaths. In Washington D.C., riots broke out
10 blocks from the White House. In the
same period, at least 50,000 people were
arrested. The riots in Watts, Newark, and
Detroit alone accounted for 1/6th of all the
arrests. Although 190 deaths is still a lot,
it is nothing in comparison to the amount
of deaths that occurred regularly during the
more formal battles between capital and
labor. The killings were mostly committed by the police and military, not rioters.
In Watts, 28 out of 34 killed were black;
Newark, 24 out of 26 were black; Detroit,
36 out of 43 killed were black.
As ghetto-riots proliferated across urban America, another form of protest was
emerging, the student, youth, anti-war, left
radical protest. The sites of struggle shift to
universities, draft centers, and political conventions. During these struggles, demands
rose and fell constantly, from ending the
draft to “free love”, from peace to “bring
the war home.” What unites the separate,
contradictory, even superficial demands are
the actions themselves of those who were
demanding. These actions included mostly
sit-ins and occupations, some property destruction and arson, lots of police confrontation, and little to no physical assaults on
civilians. In Berkeley ’64, during the “free
speech movement”, 1000 people occupied
Fire to the Prisons-Issue 7-We Demand Nothing-P. 15

WHAT STARTED
WITH A
STRATEGY OF
DEMANDS AND
ESCALATION
ENDED WITH A

REJECTION
OF ANYTHING
LESS THAN

REVOLUTION.

Sproul Hall for 32 hours, ending in the peaceful arrest of 773. In 1966, with the draft enacted, campuses revolted en masse. Students occupied the
University of Chicago administration for 4 days,
and riots occurred at ROTC centers at University of
Wisconsin, CCNY, and Oberlin.
In Oct of 1967, a national month of protest was
called, in which some occupations, some symbolic
acts, and some confrontations arose. On Oct 18th,
about 1000 people fought police in Wisconsin with
70 students injured, and several buildings damaged.
On Oct 19th, Brooklyn College’s Boylan Hall was
occupied, and in Chicago, 18 were arrested breaking
into a draft induction center. On Oct 20th, 10,000
Berkeley and Oakland activists blocked the streets
around a draft induction center, slashing tires, dropping nails, writing graffiti, and fighting with about
1000 police for hours. On Oct 21st and 22nd, a
mass, ritualized, “nonviolent” anti-war rally took
place in DC with 150,000 people. Some broke the
rules and fought police, ending with 681 protestors
arrested, and 13 marshals, 10 soldiers, and 24 demonstrators wounded.
After six days of an occupation at Columbia University, students fought police on April 29th, 1968,
ending with 132 students, 4 faculty and 12 police
injuries. That year at the DNC in Chicago, Yippies
tried to inaugurate a riot, and between Aug 25th and
Aug 30th, they did. 192 police injuries, 81 police
vehicles damaged, 24 windshields smashed, 17 cars
dented, and numerous shop windows broken as
well. In March and April of 1969, black students at
SUNY Buffalo, Harvard, and Cornell occupied central buildings. In May, students were killed in police confrontations in Berkeley and Greensboro. In
October, the Weathermen launched their “Days of
Rage”, in which 300 of them destroyed property and
fought police together. Six weathermen were shot,
most were beaten, 250 arrested. In Santa Barbara,
on Feb 25th, 1970, UCSB students burned a Bank
of America branch to the ground, and on April 18th,
1970, a student there was slain by a stray bullet
from police. But it wasn’t until National Guardsmen
killed 4 students on May 4th, 1970 at Kent State
University that the country erupted in rage against
casualties at protests.
The pattern of student and anti-war demonstrations follows the trends of its time: limited attacks
on property, police escalation, sit-ins and occupations. As students and youth became more and
more indiscriminate with their site of struggles, as
they become more violent in their tactics and less
accommodating in their resolve, their grievances
progressed from a rejection of war and imperialism
to a critique of everyday life and capitalism. What
started with a strategy of demands and escalation
Fire to the Prisons-Issue 7-We Demand Nothing-P. 16

ended with a rejection of anything less than
revolution.
ISSUES
The three main contentions of violent
struggles – labor, race, and war – all exhibited some minimal demands. In the first
case, higher wages, better working conditions, and a shorter working day. In the second, equal political rights, treatment, and
benefits in all economic and social spheres.
And in the third case, an end to the War in
Vietnam and a stopping of the Draft. Within
such a demand schema, it’s easy to reduce
all antagonistic phenomena of those periods to a certain structure: exploited group
X demands Y from institution Z. For example, one can see the Rail strike of 1877,
the Harlem riot of 1935, and the university
rebellions of May 1970 as equal forms of
collective bargaining, which despite their
illegal means, are geared towards legal
ends.
What falls out in such an equation is the
very content of the actions themselves, actions which go against their very ends, in
turn overflowing their political forms and
becoming social. What occurs in these riots, how do they begin, and end?
The rail strike of 1877 is one of the most
violent in American history. After wages
were cut on July 1st, rail workers went on
strike in Baltimore, Ohio, and West Virginia. On July 20, the army attacked the strikers, ending with 10 killed. The strike spread
to New York, Newark, and Pittsburgh. The
Philadelphia army attacked the Pittsburgh
strikers, and the strikers attacked back,
leaving 24 dead. In the end, 5 million dollars of Pennsylvania Railroad property was
destroyed, including 104 locomotives, and
2152 railroad cards. 3000 federal troops
and thousands more militia came to restore
peace. Riots broke out in Altoona, Reading,
Harrisburg, Scranton, Philadelphia, before
moving to Chicago, St. Louis, San Francisco, and Washington D.C. Not organized by
any union, the strike spread along the rail
lines themselves, with workers in various
occupations joining in where they could.
All that over a wage increase?
The Harlem riot of 1935 prefigures the
race riots of the 60’s. A black boy was
caught shoplifting by white cops, and a minor confrontation occurred. Rumors spread

that the police killed him (they didn’t), and
Harlemites sought vengeance. In two days
of rioting, over 200 white owned stores
were demolished, causing 2 million dollars
in property damage. This pattern was to repeat itself over and over and over again in
the next 70 years. Can one really label the
riots that happen in response part of a demand for equal rights?
In May 1970, the wave of student antiwar actions in the 60’s culminated after the
shooting of 4 students at a Kent State University protest. In response, 1350 universities exploded in riots, including 4,350,000
participants. 400 schools shut down. Police
opened fire at Jackson State College on
May 14th – killing 2 black students – and
again in Lawrence, Kansas on July, killing 2 youths, sparking a wave of arson and
property destruction in response. All that
just to stop a war thousands of miles away?
We think not. Rather, such demands are
merely screens to interface between worlds
of rage and worlds of law, a force of the
subjective discontent of life under capital
against a force of the objective necessity
of capital subsuming life. Incommensurable in their content, they are equalized
and understood from the perspective of one
side, that of law, as attempts to collectively
express a will towards a particular change
in law. They are not understood from the
side of the practices themselves, perhaps
not even by those committing them. As
goals, demands do not determine the type
of struggles, actions, or events that we describe here. For every demand mentioned
above can also be sought after by legal
means. What makes these activities unique
is the continually developing contradiction
between their form and content, the form as
the demand to someone for something, and
the content as rejecting anyone’s attempt to
accommodate anything.
ACCOMMODATION ACCELERATION
The pace in which institutions of state and
capital accommodate the demands of these
struggles accelerates rapidly. When a struggle’s demand is accommodated, the struggle quickly shifts from an external conflict
between two opposed players to an internal
conflict managed by one institution. The
first major accommodation of demands
took sixty years of riots (1877-1934), when
in the 1930’s government and capitalists

acquiesced to the assaults of proletarian
violence by bettering work conditions all
around.
The second major accommodation took
thirty years of riots (1935-1968), when, after multiple cities were ravaged by minor
insurrections of mostly black proletarians,
government in the late 60’s made new legislation to enforce equality in schools, employment and public institutions. “Race riots”[2] of course existed before the Harlem
uprising of 1935 (and continued after the
massive riots following MLK Jr.’s assassination in April ’68), but its modern character took form then, insofar as the riots
were initiated by black folks as a response
to a particular act of police violence (usually an arrest, beating, murder, or rumor of
murder), instead of initiated by white folks
as an attack on black and immigrant communities who then defend themselves (the
Atlanta Race Riot of 1906, for instance).
Hence, targets in the modern race riot are
property, police, and stores, and acts of
physical assault between white and black
civilians and/or immigrants, such as occurred in the Jim Crow era (1890-1914),
are much less common, although still present.
Finally, the third major accommodation
of demands took about ten years of riots
(1964-1972), after students, youth, and left
radicals of all stripes occupied, smashed,
burned, and fought cops at thousands of
Universities across the country. Shortly
after the national riots following the Kent
State massacre on May 4th 1970, the government began to incorporate anti-war dissidents into their debates, ultimately conceding to their demands by abolishing the
draft in 1973, and pulling out of Vietnam
completely by 1975.
Since the anti-war protests of the 60’s, the
women’s liberation, gay liberation, Native
American, anti-nuke, and anti-apartheid
movements have gone through similar rapidly accelerating phases of riot—protest—
accommodation—reorganization. Some of
these struggles never end, but once their
particular demands are incorporated into
a general institutional structure in some
form or another, the movement changes
nature from one of opposition to one of
competition. The pace has accelerated so
much recently that the dialectic between
destruction, demand, accommodation
Fire to the Prisons-Issue 7-We Demand Nothing-P. 17

and neutralization occurs within less and
less time from after the first riot. With the
American wing of the anti-globalization
movement kicking off in Seattle ’99, it
took less than a decade, as the IMF, World
Bank and WTO all but collapsed or had to
completely reorganize their language and
agenda to integrate the force of global assaults and physical critiques they received.
With the immigrant protests of May ’06, it
took less than a year, as politicians quickly
reorganized their agenda to pass new laws
(or rather, to make laws that never pass).
With the Oakland riots of January ’09, it
took a week.
When one focuses on the presence or
absence of demands as the criteria for discerning revolutionary from reformist struggle, one ignores the relations and meanings
internal to the activities of the struggles
themselves. Demands are getting accommodated quicker, but revolution is in no
way closer now than ever before.
METHODS
The two grand styles of American counterviolence are the generalized riot and the
specialized tactic. The core elements of the
former are looting, arson, property damage
and physical assault; its participants are
proletarians and subproletarians. The elements of the latter are picket lines, marches, sit-ins and traffic blockades; its participants are usually a minority group trained
in such measures.
Prior to the 1930’s, these two forms of
activity were indistinguishable in the main
conflict of the era, that between capital
and labor, in which strikes were also riots, marches were battles, and sit-ins and
blockades were nothing but the defense
and creation of barricades. After sixty
years of intense class war (1877-1934), in
which each strike left bodies on both sides,
changes in both tactics and strategy were
adopted, changes that reflected shifts in the
relation between capital and proletariat,
and between the state and its subjects.
In 1934, the United States was on the
brink of anarchy. Wild, bloody strikes
swept through Minneapolis, Toledo, and
San Francisco. On May 21st and 22nd,
Minneapolis truckers on strike stopped all
deliveries, and in response, police and a
newly formed “citizens alliance” attacked

them. Truckers beat police and the “alliance”, wounding 67. On May 23rd and
24th, six thousand auto workers on strike in
Toledo fought police, the company security
and the National Guard, eventually forcing
them all to retreat, but not before two strikers were killed. On May 9th, longshoremen
all along the West Coast went on a massive strike, but it wasn’t until July 3rd in
San Francisco that violent confrontations
between police and proletarians emerged.
The generalized strike peaked when police
killed two on “Bloody Thursday,” wounding 115 as well.
With the depression raging, workers turning to more and more desperate methods
of destruction[3], and police, Pinkertons,
and national guardsmen racking up casualties daily, the state as well as many larger
capitalists began to concede, allowing the
formation of unions in certain industries,
guaranteeing lesser hours and better conditions, and even a minimum wage. At
the same time, workers’ methods began
to move away from generalized rampage
and towards the Sit-Down, the model act
of symbolic revolt whose creation shifted
American conflict from riot to ritual. In
1936, there were 48 factory sit-downs involving 87,817 workers, 477 in 1937 involving 398,117 workers, and 52 in 1938
involving 28,749 workers. These sit-downs
were intentionally non-provocative, yet
they would defend themselves if attacked
or prevented. This in fact occurred in Flint,
Michigan, January 1937, when guards
stopped union men from delivering food
to their striking comrades inside the GM
factory. In response, workers locked the
guards in a washroom, police fired tear gas
at the workers, and workers sent the tear
gas back. After 14 injuries, the officers
withdrew in what’s known joyfully as the
“Battle of Running Bulls.”
In the ‘30s, as capitalists and government
accommodated labor’s minimal demands,
proletarian revolt shifted to specialized tactics, and capitalism began its turn towards
complete, regulated commodity production of all goods and activities constituting
daily life for not only the bourgeoisie, but
the working-class as well. In the 30’s, the
separation of demand from destruction was
enacted for the first time. As specialization
became the norm in the workplace, so it
was in the struggle as well. This separation
set the stage for the forms of ritualized re-

bellion that carried the civil rights movement from1955-1965 with the lunch counter sit-ins, as well as the student anti-war
actions of 1964-1972 with their sit-ins, occupations and traffic blockades. The refinement of such tactics developed rapidly in
the ecological struggles of the 70’s and 80’s
over nuclear power, old growth forests, water, pollution, and coal. Three main groups
accomplished this: the Clamshell Alliance
of New England, the Abalone Alliance of
the West Coast, and the Livermore Action
Group.
In August 1976, the Clamshell Alliance
occupied Seabrook nuclear construction site, twice. The first ending in 18 arrests, the second with 180. After almost a
year of trainings and preparation, in April
1977, the Clamshell Alliance went back
with 2400 people, ending with 1400 being arrested. No violence was committed.
Inspired by the Clamshell Alliance, the
Abalone Alliance on the West Coast tried
to occupy the Diablo plant in August of
’77. It didn’t work, but four years later
in 1981 they returned, occupying the site
for two weeks, blocking the plant, ending
with 1900 arrests. On Mother Day 1982,
the Livermore Action Group shut down
the production of nuclear weapons at the
Lawrence Livermore National Laboratory
outside San Francisco when women armed
with teddy bears sat down in front of traffic, as four women chained themselves to
the gate. In March 1983, the group hiked
through backwoods to occupy Vanderberg
Air Force Base before 777 of them were
arrested.
These three groups, along with the countless other environmental groups to emerge
in the 80’s, formalized the already specialized tactics of the 30’s labor sit-downs,
50’s and 60’s civil rights sit-ins, and 70’s
student occupations into a science, with its
own jargon, methods, principles, and values. Rebaptizing riots as “nonviolent direct
action”, mobs with grievances to avenge
now became “protestors” with “rights” to
“express.” The peaceful arrest was the ultimate end point, the lock-down became
central, and pacifism dominated the ethical
norm. Both government and protestors finally had a common language to speak, a
shared framework with rules and boundaries to act within. Earth and Animal Liberation movements of the 90’s and 00’s took
the same structure – formalized actions—
Fire to the Prisons-Issue 7-We Demand Nothing-P. 18

yet inverted the elements: from public to
clandestine, lock-down to escape, pacifism
to arson.
The Rodney King riots of 1992 in Los
Angeles (and San Diego, San Francisco,
Oakland, Sacramento, San Bernardino, Las
Vegas, Atlanta, Chicago, Denver, Detroit,
Miami, New York City, Philadelphia, Phoenix, St. Louis, Washington DC, and Toronto) explodes this logic of separation. Without specialization, these contagious events
seemed to herald the return of the “race
riot”, physical assault, generalized looting, arson and mass property destruction.
Yet none of these forms really ended in the
60’s, they just became more and more separated from general social upheaval, pushed
into “special interest” boxes. There were
dozens of so-called race riots from 19701992. On the one hand, the pre-civil rights
style race wars were resurrected by KKK/
neo-nazi/white racist types against black
and brown folks, especially between 1976
and 1979 in the South: Boston Bussing attacks between 1974-1976, KKK clashes in
Columbus, Ohio and Mobile, Alabama in
’77, Neo-Nazi battles in San Jose, CA and

St. Louis, Missouri in October 1977 and
March 1978 respectively, and the infamous
Greensboro massacre of Nov 3rd, 1970
when the Klan and Neo-Nazi party killed 4
protestors in the Communist Workers Party
organized march. On the other hand, the
ghetto riot of the 60’s resurfaced numerous times: Elizabeth, New Jersey 1975,
Miami 1980, ’82, ’84 and ’89, Howard’s
Beach, Queens 1986, Bensonhurst, Brooklyn 1989, Washington DC 1991, Brooklyn
1991, Manhattan 1992.
All have a similar story: a policeman or
white racist shoots someone – Black, Cuban, Puerto Rican, Dominican, Korean,
Vietnamese – and the ethnic or racial
community to which that person belong
responds through immediate arson, property destruction, and looting. After four
policemen charged with shooting an unarmed black man were acquitted by an all
white Tampa jury, Miami was covered in
blood and smoke for three days from May
17th to 19th, 1980. Three white folks were
beaten to death, while police and National
Guardsmen killed eleven black folks. 3600
National Guard were called in to help, and

1000 blacks were arrested. In July of 1992,
a policeman shot an unarmed Dominican
man in New York City, and 1000 people
responded in force by overturning cars,
smashing windows, littering the streets,
burning three building and blocking traffic on the GW bridge. The Howards Beach,
Bensonhurst and Brooklyn riots start a little
differently, with white youth intentionally
killing black youth, and a Hasidic Jew unintentionally running over a West Indian
man. In all cases, the race war form of riot
reemerged, with direct assaults between
whites and blacks, Hasids and West Indians, Koreans and African-Americans.
And what about the blackout riots of
’77 in NYC, the Detroit devils nights, the
Tompkins Square Park Riots of ’88, the
Chicago Bulls riots, not to mention all the
sports riots in Michigan, Milwaukee, and
Pittsburgh? All of this goes to show that the
form of generalized rioting characteristic
of “race riots” never disappeared, but constantly reasserted itself from the ‘70s-’90s,
albeit in much more isolated, fragmented,
and partial ways. It was not until Los Angeles of ’92 that generalized rioting become

Fire to the Prisons-Issue 7-We Demand Nothing-P. 19

cohesive again within a national and social
atmosphere of refusal, which allowed for
the rebellion to transcend the previous limits of conflict, that is, the limit of demands.
MEDIATION
Between 1877 and 1934, proletarians
(mostly white and immigrant) sought to
attack capital directly (their boss, factory,
means of production) but were constantly
mediated and blocked by different state
sanctioned agencies of legitimate violence
(police, Pinkertons, national guard, army).
In other words, workers wanting to destroy
capitalists fought police in their place. Between 1934 and 1968, a new situation arises. Subproletarians and proletarians (mostly black), sought to attack the state directly
(as police) but were constantly mediated by
capital (as property). In other words, blacks
wanting to fight police accomplished it by
means of property destruction instead of
direct confrontation (with exceptions). In
the first case, the state mediates the antagonistic relation between capital and labor; in the second case, capital mediates
the antagonistic relation between the state
and labor. The student and anti-war actions
signify the attempt to attack the state and
capital together, but mediating it through
the structure which prepares the transition
to selling oneself as labor: the University.
In other words, the crucible of future labor
becomes a site of struggle, which is then
further policed.
Now, from 1970-1992, the nonviolent direct action trend solidifies and isolated race
riots continue to occur. Both are mediated
by their own limits: the first is that their

own bodies become the means by which
they engage in conflict, and in the second
is that the conflict only emerges in relation
to an act of racist violence from police or
others. From 1992 to the present, property
destruction reemerges, but differently than
before. On the one hand as specialized (political riots) and on the other as generalized
(‘race riots’). But both of these tend to blur
during the dotcom and housing bubble eras
of the ‘90s and ‘00s. In Miami, LA, Seattle, Cincinnati, Michigan and Oakland,
the target is once again capital, but now the
attempt to negate it is mediated by capital
itself in one of its forms, property. To destroy capital as such, capital as property
is attacked (as opposed to capital as commodities, money, or labor). The state mediates this when it can (defending summits,
sending in the National Guard), but it also
retreats a bit, leaving capital to take care of
itself. That is, the bait of property destruction lures individuals into isolated illegal
activity which capital can recover from
while the state can make examples out of
those it captures.
As demands progressed from specific issues to general refusal, rioting regressed
from a geneneralized activity to a specialized practice. Since the civil war, the nature
of demands has transformed from localized
to total within the content of particular
struggles themselves. Revolts over work
— from the massive rail strike of 1877,
through the Pullman and Homestead riots
of the 1880’s and 90s, to the Battle of Blair
Mountain in the 1920s — revolts over racial exploitation — from the Harlem riots
of 1935 to the MLK Jr. riots of 1968 — and
revolts over war — from the Free Speech

movement of 64 through the Days of Rage
in 69 — all end on the brink of civil war.
Once that possibility is breached, demands
— whether real or not — are brought in
to adjudicate, accommodate and pacify
the populace. It is no coincidence that an
American situationist group from Berkeley
in 1972 called “For Ourselves” could write
a theoretical statement with the subtitle,
“On the Practical Necessity of Demanding
Everything.” That framework was finally
shattered in the Los Angeles rebellion of ’92
when it was realized that there is no longer
anyone to “demand everything” from. As
“For Ourselves” was theorizing the content
of the last decade of revolts as the necessity
of demanding everything without regard
to any specific practice, the Clamshell alliance was theorizing the content of the last
decades of civil disobedience as the necessity of demanding something by means of
very particular “nonviolent direct action”
techniques.
Besides modern race-class riots, the antiglobalization movement has inherited this
dual legacy, leading to the contradictory
movement of those who demand everything (as they continue the legacy of the
Sit-downs of the 30’s) working side-byside with those who demand nothing (as
they continue the legacy of class violence
in the 20th century and the ghetto riots
of the ‘60s). The difference is that such
generalized violence is now also done by
specialists, black block anarchists, and the
specialized tactics of non-violent direct action have become more and more accepted
as the general means for engaging in social
conflict. The generalization of demands
and the specialization of practice leads us

to the impasse of the present, which cannot
be overcome without breaking with the forms
and content of revolt as we inherit them, with
and without demands.
DEMANDING SOMETHING, EVERYTHING, NOTHING
Struggles with insurrectionary content in the
United States have progressed from demanding something (1880s-1940s), through demanding everything (1960’s-1970’s) to demanding nothing (1992-present). Each new
phase is marked by the lasting contradictions
of the previous one, insofar as no period is
completely “new,” rather it only makes separate and dominant a certain tendency hitherto
indistinct in the previous mode of struggle.
When uprisings in Philadelphia ’64, Rochester
’64, Watts ’65, Newark ’67, Detroit ’67, Buffalo ’67, everywhere ’68, Berkeley ’69, Chicago ’69 and hundreds of others cities demand
a change in the totality of existing conditions,
they are only theorizing the implications of the
generalized strikes and riots of proletarians in
the last decades of the 19th century and the
first decades of the 20th. When rioters in LA
’92, St. Petersburg ’96, Seattle ’99, Cincinnati
’01, Toledo ’03, Benton Harbor ’05, New Orleans ’05, St. Paul ’08 or Oakland ’09 during the last two decades act with the intensity
and coordination of ‘60s rioters, but without
the general national atmosphere of rebellion,
and without wanting anything at all from their
targets and enemies, then they are only conceptualizing in deed the concrete failure of
every institutional attempt to “change everything.” Against abstract demand, even the demand to end all demands, they are acting on
the basis of a concrete rejection of demands
as such. This practical shift relocates the power to make history from those who reconcile
conflicts to those who make them irreconcilable. The present comprehension of history is
enacted in the forms through which struggles
take place today, and those forms are dominated by a demandless consistency of social
acts of violence against capital in all its manifestations.
What are the ethics of demandless struggles?
They are not based on a desired object or end,
they can’t be judged based on calculation or
utilitarian value. Rather, their strength comes
from their basis in the act itself, the deed irrespective of calculation, interest, or gain; it is
the privileging of the activity over the product.
The danger with this anti-moralist ethic of pure
action is that it can easily cross boundaries of
disciplined violence, such as in the Draft Riot

of 1863 when class revolt turned to race war.
So how can one overcome this danger? By
maintaining principles of friendship and trust,
to ground the anarchy of pure action in the
commune of shared needs. But what grounds
the commune? Action, and its legacy. The history of acts is the only “product” created – a
narrative of a whole, directed, consistent life.
A struggle without demands is a strike at the
level of language. By refusing the accepted
form of presenting disagreements, the meaning and justification of the action becomes
internal to its presentation. But not as immediately “symbolic” or “gestural”, rather it is
mediated by all those things which make up
alienated life: commodities, property, police,
money, labor. The critique of existing society
becomes not a verbal cry for a better world but
a mute rejection of the entirety of this one, only
recognized by the cohesive movement and relation of acts of practical negation of all those
dominant mediations making up one’s nonlife.
After a battle in the social war subsides, only
the ruins left behind can tell its story.
The refusal to demand allows for the abstraction of capital to reveal itself, no longer covered up in the mysticism of word-games, i.e.,
we are fighting for right x because of need y
based on condition z. That structure will never
challenge the basis of the needs and conditions themselves. The undemanding struggle
is not for anything, it is a position, a stance,
a risk to become a subject of one’s own activity; until then, we are nothing but objects
of capital, things moved around to work, vote,
and reproduce. Capital is personified in our actions (work, consume, repeat), and the state is
personified in our words (rights, justice, freedom). To refuse both personifications means
to destroy the form of Man which capital and
state need for their reality, that form is the proletariat and the citizen, the worker and the activist, the entrepreneur and the poet. The complete negation of Man as he exists under any
and every category granted by class society is
the ultimate goal of communism, and this cannot be demanded. It can only be accomplished.
The demand is a tool for self-organization.
It unifies separated individuals against a common enemy toward a common good. It is the
unification of the exploited based upon a common enunciation, “We want X”. The demand
becomes a self-mediation, a self-constitution
of the undifferentiated masses into a singular
one, a subject who demands. Demands, in others words, are processes of subjectification.
Fire to the Prisons-Issue 7-We Demand Nothing-P. 21

Individuals act as class, and in that class
action they become subjects and no longer
merely objects of capital.
The problem is that the class of those exploited by a common structure of domination is unified on the very basis of that
domination, on the very basis of the capitalist relation. All the diverse appearances of
one’s fragmented life cohere around a unified essence – the identity of the exploited
as worker, as student, as oppressed. This
identity is crafted in struggle, and becomes
the basis for a community. The community
can outlast the struggle for a particular demand, or not. The difference and diversity
of those living under capital is not the issue,
Communism or
anarchy is the
abolition of relations of capital in
life through the
rupture with the
rupture that reveals them—this
second rupture
is determinate, a
new configuration
of which we can
only speak in the
language of potentiality: activity
without work, life
without value,
people without things, time
without measure,
social without
society.

“From struggles over immediate demands to revolution, there can only be a
rupture, a qualitative leap.

FOOTNOTES
[1] With the exception of
the Detroit riot of June 2022, 1943, the last of the classic Jim Crow riots, which
was predominantly whites
attacking blacks (killing 25)
and blacks defending themselves (killing 9)
[2] We put “race riot” in
quotes because every race
riot is a class riot, and we

rather it’s the essence upon which they’re
united. If the struggle and the demand
first unify people who aren’t unified, then
the next step is to destroy the basis of that
unity in a way that allows for a new unity
unpoisoned by the centrality of the capitalrelation. In other words, one destroys what
the demand unifies, our abstract identity,
the unity of a class, the unity of an identity.
“The process of revolution is that of the abolition of what is self-organisable.” (Theorie Communiste). The conditions for a real
unification will arise through the overcomdemands
to revolution,
can
ing of this
negative
form of there
community,
a
onlythrough
be a rupture,
a qualitative
leap. and
form born
the demand
struggle,
But this rupture
isn’tdemandless
a miracle.” (TC)one.
carried beyond
it by the

IT IS A
DEMAND
UPON US.

But this
rupture
isn’t a
miracle.”
(TC)

only label them “race riots”
to distinguish them from the
earlier class riots of the century. For a practical analysis
of a supposed “race riot”,
see the article “LA ‘92: The
Context of a Proletarian Uprising” in the first issue of
the journal Aufheben.

town for two hours and dynamited two factories operated by Tobacco Trust, destroying 400,000 pounds of
tobacco.

[3] For example, on December 1st 1906, 250 masked
men rode into Princeton,
Kentucky, occupied the
Fire to the Prisons-Issue 7-We Demand Nothing-P. 22

A STATEMENT:

I

from the undecided

n the Western world, there is
a cultural war going on: MSNBC and
FOX News, Democrat and Republican,
Prius and SUV driver, Jon Stewart and
Sean Hannity, liberal and conservative—these are some of the popular
manifestations. There is a cultural war
going on within a political framework
of intellectual restrictions approbated
by the current establishment as standards. It is interesting to look at the way
oppositional poles holding up the same
political framework communicate. Unlike the fear-of-God-driven conservative population, the liberal in society
seems to be graced with the pretension
of their own grandiose morality. While
conservatives are a bit more noticeable
in why they say what they say, vote
how they vote, or do whatever it is that
makes them recognizable as “conservative”—by being openly racist, homophobic, xenophobic, Christian, or
a partisan of the grassroots policing of
superficial social divisions—the liberal
seems to hold stoically in their opinions
or politics due to so-and-so education
or any other delusional idea of being
politically compassionate or intellectually informed. Both sides are the fabric
and fabrications of the central political
and economic institutions in our society. They look to manipulate the same
central forces in society but not destroy
them. They’re really not so different at
all, just their aesthetics are.
In the last ten years especially, this
cultural war has become more apparent. Whether it was the post-9/11 terror delivered by the media or the new
wave of American nationalism that followed, the bickering has become more
and more severe. Bush and Obama
represent the aesthetics of seemingly
different political campaigns. Bush is a
Texan. He sounded like an idiot to New

Yorkers but he was a divine prophet
to the rural Midwest. Obama is the alleged proof that the “disenfranchised”
peoples of the United States will have a
chance to work with the status quo—or
more literally, to provide compensated
labor for it. Obama represents the liberal idea of an “open-minded nation” and
he has nourished the failures of government and capitalism that became more
apparent during the Bush years. He has
achieved this particular type of political
deception by representing something
that looks different and felt new at first
during the dreariest days of the economic crisis. But most people are still poor,
are still not satisfied, and will never
meet or hang out with Bush or Obama.
In the world of political debate, the
conservatives’ ability to convince has
generally been a bit weak in the intellectual sense. It is not due to lack of intellect though, it is that their arguments
are based on paranoiac points. Conservative arguments are usually spread by
generating fear. Conservatives claim
that “blacks rob white people,” “Hispanics take jobs,” “women lie about
rape” and if homosexual romance is to
be accepted by a nation that they are
part of, then they will go to hell. Like
a virgin clinging to their first fuck, the
conservative desperately looks to retain
tradition or a status quo that is inherently racist, sexist, classist, xenophobic, and just generally alienating. But it
is the same status quo that democrats,
progressives and liberals look to “reform”—to make more organic, “moral”
or open-minded—but never really challenge or do away with entirely. Liberals have a self-satisfied smile that wins
every debate. They project the idea with
the idea of being informed, while condemning the opposition’s perspective
as ignorant.[1] They went to school and
read about some atrocity that happened
to some group of people in some part of
the world that’s more messed up; they
learn about it from a distance, and are

Fire to the Prisons-Issue 7-A Statement from the Undecided-Pg. 23

“IS IT THAT MOST
PEOPLE CAN’T
CHOOSE, OR MOST
PEOPLE DON’T
LIKE THE
OPTIONS?”
THE BUFFET OF
POLITICS IS
ROTTEN, ITS TIME
TO START
LOOKING INTO
OTHER OPTIONS.
disconnected from it, and only look to
nourish an individual feeling of guilt
and pity by not challenging the political spectrum of society, but by trying
to make it “better,” which is the alleged distinction of liberals and conservatives right? Conservatives try to
keep it the same, liberals try to make
it better? Social expansion and development must be a polite task for the
liberal politician. With this said, in
some ways we give credit to the conservative voice for being so abrasive,
at least the intentions are incredibly
more tranquil then those of the liberal.
But when it comes down to it both are
fabrications of the same system. Both
provide identities and feelings of purpose and power for millions of people,
deceiving those controlled and setting
new precedents for social division
amongst the dominated in the modern
world.
Liberal arrogance or reactionary conservatism, what else is there? At least
in the United States, these are our only
choices, our only opportunities to persuade or have any so- called political
power. Looking away from the obvious independents or autonomous political groups both left and right for a
second, we have the undecided. The
liberals call them ‘fence riders,’ the
conservatives ignore them out of fear
of losing votes, but they are most of
us. Until the recent economic crisis,
most people didn’t vote. Every elec-

tion, the media refers to this population as “the undecided,” clearly implying that they just can’t choose between
the two parties, and think nothing of
their lack of desire for the available
choices. Whether “the undecided” got
tired of seeing some redneck Christian
dude on television constantly, or excited by ‘the uniqueness’ of Obama’s
skin or Sarah Palin’s genitalia, or in
some way or another fell into the trap
of a false newness, the 2008 presidential election brought out more then
130 million people or 64 percent of
the electorate to vote. In less publicly
desperate economic or political times
most people don’t vote. With a population of over 250 million on the books,
it is interesting to look at the lack of interest most people have in voting, even
during desperate times where we feel a
need to claim our false sense of power
handed to us by society. It’s also interesting to realize that many can’t vote,
many don’t have time to vote, many
don’t know how to register, many have
warrants, many evade taxes, many are
felons, many cannot deal with jury
duty. If there was a severe crisis in the
United States, where the sense of an
American stability was actually threatened, where would the undecided go?
If liberalism and conservatism no longer had the basis for its alleged significance as it does now, how would we
decide, collectively? What would our
issues be if we didn’t have the news
and government to inform us of them?

Would conservatives still hate Mexicans or would urban liberals still hate
rural accents? Considering there is no
real place for either way of thinking
that is independent of a coercive and
dominating political system, would
there be the liberal or conservative at
all?
Is it that most people can’t choose, or
most people don’t like the options?
The buffet of politics is rotten, its time
to start looking into other options.
FOOTNOTES
[1] To call someone ignorant, or assume that because their opinion is different it is not informed, is a gesture
of hyper-arrogance. It also means you
are refusing to recognize a community
or individual as accountable for their
views. This word has been used to rationalize tolerance for racism, sexism,
classism, and similar social inequities
that divide our humanity. It is a word
of the college educated liberal who has
decided that the world is not wrong,
it is just not informed the way he is.
What is it to be informed? Why is it
that one is informed and one is not?
What type of education is most important, experience or classroom, school
or life? Who determines the standard
of informed, and who determines that
they are right? Why neglect people of
their accountability?

Fire to the Prisons-Issue 7-A Statement from the Undecided-Pg. 24

ESCAPISM
HAS ITS
PRICE
.~

THE
ARTIST
HAS HIS
INCOME

“HE’S ALREADY TWO
HOURS LATE.”
“AH, BUT YOU
KNOW HE’S
AN ARTIST,
AND ARTISTS...”
“OH THOSE
ARTISTS...”
“THAT’S THE
WAY THEY
ARE, THESE
ARTISTS.”

I

t’s difficult not to soften and
melt under the charm of artists and to
not envy them in a society founded on
forbiddance and the threat of jail. Certain manners of behavior which no one
else can get away with are permitted to
the artist.
The supposed madness of a Salvador
Dalí would gain you hospitalization
without your consent in the dungeons
of psychiatry. And whereas not producing anything useful, through work,
for this utilitarian society would bring
you only misery, harassment by the
social services and getting considered
“guilty”, artists are allowed by society
to loaf around despite their (at times
profitable) unproductivity. While your
rent rises until you can no longer pay it,
the artist finds himself favoured by the
authorities to take your place.
Let’s be clear, the artist is privileged,
he belongs to a special caste: he holds
the monopoly of creativity and originality, desire and creation belong to
her. So no need to create: the artists
will see to it according to the same process as the one which consists in leaving the thinking to the philosophers or
history to those who govern us; they
thus dispossess us of our own lives.
In relation to capital, the mission of
the artist is to enrich it, and - while he’s
at it - to make himself richer in order
to take on his role of consumer, reinjecting his wealth. The artist de facto
finds his place in consumer society, his
integration into the system is an obvious fact. Even though the show business often likes to pass off our dear
artists as rebels, this only strengthens
the system a bit more; their vices are
permitted to grow until feigning criticism towards the system, only to eventually fortify it through a powerful systematic return of normality. It’s with
the show business that the artist finds
himself given the most value, socially
at least. Indeed, who upon hearing the

Fire to the Prisons-Issue 7-Escapism has its price, The Artist has his Income-Pg. 25

word “Culture” doesn’t draw his wallet
straight away?
“Making money is art and working is art and good business is
the best art.”-Andy Warhol
Escapism has its price and the artist has
his income. And it’s always easier to escape this endless social war than to actively contribute to it. Exploited by money in favour of social peace, the artist can
then go to sell his support for a candidate
in the elections, for a brand which suits
him so well, for the progress cult or for
humanitarian wars. For each of progress’,
of the state’s or of capital’s lost causes: its
own appointed artist, its “sponsor of the
cause”. Art, when it is not only the Sunday leisure of the bourgeois classes, is the
best consolation for human misery; reinforcements for the social peace. Alfred de
Musset said that “an unhappy population
creates great artists”; in society unhappiness is treated with blows of Prozac.
The artists labeled as “politically committed” serve to give relief to the consciences of the few left-wing citizens. A
Léo Ferre diatribe against prisons, felt
and partaken by the listener, gives the justification for apathy. The tyranny of democratic opinion has succeeded in making
its citizens believe that to have an opinion
it is enough to express an idea, and that,
in the performative style, the opinion has
the value of a social transformation: the
politically committed artist is the media

reflection not of the impotence of the
citizens but rather of their desire for impotence. Stuck in his small comfort, all
the honest citizen can now do is listen to
his great Léo, his little Manu Chao, his
red Ferrat, all he can do is send ten euros
to the soup kitchens after his favorite politically committed artist has commanded
him to do so.
The humanitarian artist who shows his
dirty mug next to some African children
weighing less than his wallet, he’s the
one who, easing his conscience, enables
his “fans” to ease theirs by proxy; and
this - always according to the same patterns which delimit the various stages of
democracy - like with the elections. If
in order to rebel it’s enough to listen to
a “left-wing” CD, to read a poem which
glorifies Aragon’s Style, to watch a Ken
Loach social film so as to live the struggle by proxy or if it’s enough to quote
a situationist jingle so as to shine in the
pantheon of enlightened extreme leftism: then the authorities need not worry
ever again. Politically committed art is an
anti-rebellion anesthetic, the good leftwing citizen’s chloroform which removes
guilty feelings.
“The artist must love life and
show us that it is beautiful.
Without him we would be in
doubt.” -Anatole France
The artist is also the mainstay of a whole
social milieu - called a “scene” - which

allows him to exist and which he keeps
alive. A very special ecosystem: agents,
press attachés, art directors, marketing
agents, critics, collectors, patrons, art
gallery managers, cultural mediators,
consumers... birds of prey sponge off
artists in the joyous horror of showbiz.
A scene with its codes, norms, outcasts,
favourites, ministry, exploiters and exploited, profiteers and admirers. A scene
which has the monopoly on good taste,
exerting aesthetic terrorism upon all that
which is not profitable, or upon all that
which doesn’t come from a very specific
mentality within which subversion must
only be superficial, of course at the risk
of subverting. A milieu which is named
Culture. Each regime has its official
art just as each regime has its Entartete
Kuntz (1). It could be thought that to earn
money in the artistic circles it is necessary to have talent, but that to spend it one
only needs culture; and culture is a huge
money machine, the bottomless well of
the human stupidity and of its capacity to
worship, admire, to run on charisma or to
follow leaders, be they political, social or
cultural.
-Social Warhol
FOOTNOTES
[1] In German: “Degenerate art” - official
position adopted by the Nazi regime to
forbid selfless/disinterested creativity, in
favour of an official art: the heroic art.

This is the English translation
of an article
that
originally
appeared in the
French
anarchist periodical:
“Non Fides”.

There has only
been a few English translations
of content from
this publication,
but you can see
more from this
publication at:
www.non-fides.fr

--2 01

IN TROUBLE
21l

•

PRISONER + LEGAL UPDATES

STATE ATTEMPTS
TO CONTAIN,
CONSTRAIN,
AND SILENCE.
3 FACE NEW
CHARGES 9
MONTHS AFTER
THE RNC, OTHERS SENTENCED.
Jason A. Falk, 20, of Eagan, faces a misdemeanor charge of possession of an assault weapon after police found a sheathed
knife in his backpack on Sept. 4, the convention’s last day. Police searched Falk
because officers considered him a suspect
in property damage that occurred during
demonstrations at the convention.
Matthew M. Connell, 30, of Minneapolis,
faces a gross misdemeanor of third-degree
aiding and abetting a riot. On Sept. 1, Connell participated in a group that threw plastic bags of fecal matter, rocks, lit fireworks
and liquid-filled Mason jars at officers, according to a criminal complaint.
John W. Slavin, 29, of West Lafayette, Ind.,

faces a third-degree gross misdemeanor of
aiding and abetting and two misdemeanors for obstructing the legal process and
possession of a dangerous article. Slavin
also participated in that group, and he was
struck by an officer’s marking round, similar to a paint gun. That mark later led police to identify Slavin. They searched him
and found a wrist-braced slingshot and
steel balls. Police then discovered a van
registered under Slavin’s name contained
gas masks, wrist rockets, sling shots, fireworks, stun guns, spray paint and pipes cut
with sharp ends.
In other news from the Twin Cities, Daniel L. Bono, 22, of DeKalb, Ill., will serve
30 days in the Ramsey County workhouse
for fleeing police when an officer tried to
arrest him on suspicion of committing felony damage to property, and also received
up to five years’ probation.
FOR MORE INFORMATION:
http://rnc08arrestees.wordpress.com/

RNC DEFENDANT
JESSE JAMES
FORREY SENTENCED TO 4
MONTHS
Jesse for the past year has been forced to
live in Minneapolis awaiting trial away
from his friends and family in Santa Cruz,
CA. In August 2009, Jesse was convicted
of criminal damage to property in the first
degree, though he maintains his innocence;
Jesse was sentenced to 4 months in prison.
He he was found guilty of allegedly breaking the US Bank windows at 332 Minnesota St. in St. Paul, Minnesota, on the Republican National Convention’s first day back
in September 2008. The broken windows
caused $17,405 in damages.
Jesse is a friend, a brother, a musician and
artist, writer and student, teacher and dog
lover. He spends his time helping raise the
children in his life, playing the banjo, takFire to the Prisons-Issue 7-Repression-Pg. 27

ing and offering community classes, and
volunteering his time to help create healthy
communities. He is from California and
courageously awaits to return to his home
and family.
This is not over yet. Jesse’s lawyer is looking into grounds for appeal. And there are
things you can do right now to try and affect Jesse’s sentencing. We cannot change
what has happened, but we can support Jesse and let him know that he is cared about
and loved.
FROM JESSE’S SUPPORT GROUP
FOLLOWING HIS SENTENCING
ON SEPTEMBER 17TH:
“Today, Jesse was sentenced to 120 days
in jail by Judge Flynn. What this means in
Minnesota is that he should get 1/3 of his
sentence off for good behavior, and 5 more
days off for credit from when he was arrested last year, for a total of 75 days in jail.
So our educated guess is that he’ll be free
on December 2nd. We’ll keep you posted,
of course.
During the sentencing, Richard Dusterhoft, the Prosecutor, argued for 6 months
in jail and just over $10,000 in restitution. Jesse’s attorney asked for at most
60 days in jail. Jesse spoke eloquently on
his own behalf. He mentioned how much
he’s learned and changed in the past year,
how he wants to move on in his life and
do what’s really important to him: spend
time with the children in his life, his
friends and family, and return to his community. He said he’s already experienced
distance from his loved ones, isolation, and
had time to contemplate the seriousness of
the situation, all things that imprisonment
is supposed to make you experience. The
desire most strongly articulated was that of
returning home.
For the first time in our collective court
experience, Judge Flynn took a downward
departure from what the prosecution recommended. She originally planned on sentencing him to 9 months, but it seem she
was swayed by the massive amount of letters submitted in Jesse’s favor. Thank you
so much to friends, family, and supporters
for your articulate and emotional letters!
They made all the difference. While appealing to authority doesn’t leave us very

empowered, if we can take even a day off
of a friend’s jail sentence, then we should
any way we can. 5 months off is even better!
We were all nervous, sad, and scared before the sentencing. We couldn’t all fit into
the courtroom, and the intimidating sherrifs, in uniform and plainclothes, took up all
the standing room and rudely tried to stop
us from entering. The weeks leading up to
this have been stressful and emotional, and
it seemed that our tension was coming to a
head. But after hearing the sentence, many
of us felt a weight lifted. Even though our
dear friend is sitting in that terrible place,
surrounded by unsympathetic guardians of
law and order, we know he’s on his way
home. The sentence was much less than
we expected and were trying to prepare
ourselves for. By no mean is this judicial
stifling of our lives acceptable, but at least
we know that Jesse will soon be free.
Jesse called us this late afternoon, and
while disappointed not to be with his friends
and family, he seems to be doing well. He
is still in the downtown Ramsey County
Jail, which is different than his final destination, the Ramsey County Correctional
Facility, a.k.a. the Workhouse. He says he
should be transported there tomorrow, so if
you want to send him letters as soon as you
can, he should get to the jail before your
letter does. Letters are immensely important to prisoners, to combat isolation and
stay engaged with the world and your loved
ones. Send him letters soon and often! Use
your common sense with what you write,
don’t say anything that could get Jesse in
trouble. Photographs can be sent (but not
polaroids), and photocopies are accepted,
but avoid staples. Also, items with glue,
glitter, markers, or general things the jail
staff might find annoying won’t be accepted. If they don’t accept mail it should be
placed in Jesse’s property and he’ll get it
upon his release.
HIS ADDRESS IS:
Jesse Forrey
297 South Century Avenue
Maplewood, MN 55119
DONATE VIA PAYPAL AT:
redhill@riseup.net
FOR MORE INFORMATION ON

DONATING VIA MAIL, INFORMATION ON HIS CASE, OR OTHER
WAYS TO SUPPORT HIM CONTACT OR VISIT:
supportjesse@riseup.net
3924 Elliot Ave S. Minneapolis, MN 55407
www.supportjessejames.wordpress.com

KATYANNE MARIE
KIBBY ACCUSED
OF THREATENING
INFORMANT
Brian Darby, known as an activist who cofounded the Common Ground Collective
in New Orleans, turned federal informant
in November of 2007. Because of his efforts, Bradley Neal Crowder and David
Guy McKay were accused and convicted
of making a few Molotov’s and bringing
them to the RNC.
Now, another Texan, Kibby, is facing
a maximum of 20 years in prison and a
$250,000 fine for allegedly threatening the
life of the snitch in an email.
FOR MORE INFORMATION:
http://brandondarby.com/
http://www.freethetexas2.com/

4 SENTENCED
FOR RESISTANCE
ON MAY DAY ‘08
IN WASHINGTON
On July 21st, 4 Puget Sound locals were
sentenced for smashing bank windows, “rioting”, and thwarting the arrests of others
on May Day ’08 in Olympia, WA.
Bryan Riggins, a Tacoma-based Anarchist
has begun his ridiculously long 73 day sentence (originally 120) as of Saturday 8/16
at the Thurston County Jail.
YOU CAN MAIL HIM LETTERS OF
SUPPORT AND SHIP HIM BOOKS
TO:
Bryan Riggins
c/o Thurston County Corrections Facility
Fire to the Prisons-Issue 7-Repression-Pg. 28

2000 Lakeridge Drive SW
Olympia, WA 98502
Shyam Khanna is serving his 30 days of
work release, although he has no hours yet.
Stefanie has begun her 30 days of Home
Electronic Monitoring interspersed with
community service hours. She would appreciate visits. If you know her but don’t
know her address you can contact her at
caradeplastico{at}gmail.com.
Rand Hunt has started serving 45 days of
Home Electronic Monitoring and may or
may not have found a job.
If you want to buy books for, visit, or otherwise get involved/have questions, please
contact the point people (that’s the whole
point after all). Shyam’s Point Person:
olekat10{at}evergreen.edu Bryan’s Point
Person: thefruitoflilith{at}gmail.com Stefanie’s Point Person: caradeplastico{at}
gmail.com
FOR MORE UPDATES ON THE
CASES:
www.olyhackbloc.org/wordpress

SPITE IN OHIO
Chris Hamrick and Justin Scealf are accused of dousing a concession stand with
gasoline and then lighting it on fire the
night of May 31. These two, who are being charged with fourth degree felonies for
the arson, both have minor criminal records
for past incidents. They are being held in
the Sheffield Lake City Jail and will be arraigned Thursday in Avon Lake Municipal
Court. The police described the prisoners
as “highly uncooperative individuals.”
At Sheffield Lake, the police suspect these
two of being connected to a few other incidents that involve a June 11 arson at the
same park as the concession stand, as well
as a string of anarchist themed vandalism
involving slashed construction vehicle
tires and spray painted city buildings and
vehicles. The artwork allegedly involves
anarchy symbols, male genitalia, anti-war
slogans, anti-government slogans, and vulgarities.

We have no information on how to contact
or donate to these two individuals, and if
you do, please contact Fire to the Prisons
so we can spread the word.

GRAND JURY*
CONVENED IN
NEW YORK CITY,
INVESTIGATION OF TIMES
SQUARE BOMBING CONTINUES
July 5, 2009 -- A Federal Grand Jury has
convened in New York City, New York. It
is believed this grand jury is part of a federal investigation into the bombing of the
Times Square military recruitment center
on March 6, 2008.
To public knowledge, only one person,
Gerald Koch, has been subpoenaed to testify. Gerald has indicated his unwillingness to cooperate with the unconstitutional
grand jury proceedings and needs support.
He is facing jail time if the presiding judge
decides to punish his non-cooperation by
detaining him for being “in contempt of
court”. Detainment of this kind can continue until the grand jury expires (generally
no more than 18 months total, though technically it can be restarted again) or until the
judge decides further imprisonment to coerce the detainee into cooperating is futile.
BACKGROUND
The Times Square military recruitment
center is the nation’s busiest. It has set
national records for enlistment, averaging
about 10,000 volunteers a year. The military has had a recruiting presence in Times
Square since the 1940s. The current version of the station, built in September 1999
for $1.5 million, was designed to fit into the
Times Square area. The 520-square-foot
building is decorated with 33-by-14-foot
flags rendered in fluorescent lights and a
giant, nine-panel television screen that advertises military propaganda. The interior
contains space for Army, Navy, Air Force

and Marine recruiters. It has been the site
of regular anti-war protests since the beginning of the Iraq war in 2003.
Police released footage from a private security camera showing a cyclist, wearing
a backpack and a dark hooded sweatshirt,
riding up to the Times Square military recruiting station on March 6, 2008. The bicyclist is seen getting off a 10-speed bike
at 3:40 a.m., and the blast occurring three
minutes later. Police say they later found
the bike in the trash. No one actually witnessed anyone placing or throwing the explosive device. The explosion left a large
hole in the front window and shattered a
glass door, twisting and blackening the
metal frame of the building, which is on a
traffic island. No one was injured. Police
closed off Times Square to vehicular and
pedestrian traffic for two hours after the
bombing.
Two previous attacks in New York City
have had similarities to the bombing in
Times Square. In October of 2007, two
dummy hand grenades filled with black
powder were tossed over a fence at the
Mexican Consulate on Manhattan’s East
Side, shattering some windows; police said
they believed someone on a bicycle threw
the devices. At the time, police said they
were investigating whether it was connected to an attack with similar explosive
devices at the British consulate on May 5,
2005. No one was arrested in either incident. In the Times Square incident, police
suspect similar black powder was used but
it was placed in an ammunition box, something widely available in Army-Navy surplus stores.
After the blast, New York Mayor Michael
Bloomberg was quoted in the news as saying, “whoever the coward was that committed this disgraceful act on our city will
be found and prosecuted to the full extent
of the law. We will not tolerate such attacks.” His real agenda was revealed when
he added, “New York City is back and is
open for business... People are going about
their business, shopping, working and
sightseeing.”
FOR INFORMATION ON HOW TO
HELP EMAIL:
supportgerald@gmail.com
Fire to the Prisons-Issue 7-Repression-Pg. 29

*GRAND JURIES:
Witnesses appearing before a grand jury
have a right to an attorney, but the lawyer
must stay outside the room.
The evidence is presented to the grand
jurors by the prosecuting attorney, but a
judge is not present. So there’s no one to
raise an objection -- or to consider it.
Like trial juries, grand jury deliberations
are conducted in secret. Only the grand
jury, the prosecutor, the witness under examination, the court reporter and an interpreter (if one is required) may be present in
the grand jury room.
But unlike a trial jury, a grand jury does
not determine guilt or innocence -- only
whether there’s probable cause to believe
a person or persons committed a crime.
Whereas a trial jury reaches a verdict on
whether the accused is convicted or acquitted, a grand jury can decide whether to
bring charges via a written indictment.
The federal grand jury hears evidence presented by a federal prosecutor. The grand
jury has no investigative staff of its own,
so it relies on the prosecutor’s information
and expertise. The prosecutor shapes the
case before the grand jury, deciding which
witnesses will be called and what evidence
to present. The grand jury may ask to call
additional witnesses if necessary.
It is customary for the prosecutor to question a witness first, followed by a grand
jury foreperson. Then, other members of
the grand jury may question the witness.
Often the jurors will ask the prosecutor to
ask a question, rather than asking themselves.
A witness may ask to leave the room to
speak with their attorney but the lawyer
is at a disadvantage, having not heard the
proceedings. A witness may also invoke
the Fifth Amendment privilege against
self-incrimination and refuse to answer a
question, but a choice of silence by the individual in the case of a grand jury can lead
to contempt of court. In the case of a grand
jury, the individual can be held for up to
18 months or the amount of time the grand
jury can remain open without any new evidence. Once the time of the grand jury is

depleted, the prosecution can re-open the
case, making it so the individual can be
held in contempt for another 18 months
again, and the circle of repression can continue and continue.
What is especially unique about the grand
jury is that the individual is not always a
suspect in the crime, and there is no need
for any evidence against them.

OPEN LETTER
FROM:
HUGH FARREL
Hugh Farrell was arrested April 24, 2009,
along with Gina “Tiga” Wertz, on Corrupt
Business Influence/Racketeering charges
for publicly organizing in opposition to
the controversial I-69 superhighway. These
charges carry a maximum of 12 years in
prison. Support is still needed, including
funds, since less than a third of their total
estimated legal costs of $30,000 has been
raised so far. This is his first public statement since being arrested:
TO ALL MY FRIENDS AND COMPANIONS:
In the eight weeks since our arrest, I’ve
felt more overwhelmed by your solidarity than by the State’s persecution. This is
how it should be, and I often feel unable
to express how grateful I am for the many
different initiatives and fundraising efforts
that so many of you have undertaken since
then.
During some moments of isolation, times
when repression is so palpable I can barely
breathe, the actions of many have kept me
strong and grounded: the letters, hugs, the
intelligent and kind words that have been
said or circulated. Despite the efforts of
the authorities, I’ve remained a part of my
communities.
We shouldn’t forget that it’s these communities, these relationships and connections, that are really under attack, and in
an ever-more coordinated way. The State
has created a red herring when it claims
that theatrical office demonstrations or
civil disobedience are the biggest obsta-

cles to the construction of I-69. What the
State really fears are collective dinners
where many people can sit down together
to begin, however awkwardly or painfully,
making sense of a highway project that no
layperson was ever meant to grasp. The
State fears those moments when marginalized young people like me, from the cities or suburbs and seemingly disillusioned
with everything, begin to break out of our
imposed and self-imposed isolation. They
fear it when we begin talking with people
very different from ourselves, with farmers
and others, about the different and similar
ways I-69 will impact our lives.
It’s this potential for communication
that is under attack, that the police call a
“racket.” When they say “conspiracy,” they
mean our capacity to breathe together.
This is specifically why I’m so grateful
to all of you, those of you who I know and
those I haven’t met yet: I’ve experienced
this capacity more intensely now than I
did before my arrest. Don’t misunderstand
me, repression has already exacted a high
cost. Being legally ensnared has cut off
many of my relationships, especially those
with people most socially distant from me
already, primarily because so much of my
time is spent dealing with legal issues. This
is, of course, one of the goals of repression,
and is a problem I haven’t addressed yet.
Further, others have been subject to persecution alongside myself - Tiga of course,
the 16 charged with actual blockades, Chad
Frazier who was sentenced to two months
for I-69 resistance (and who is now out
again!), and many others, farther away and
involved in “other” struggles but who are
caught up in similar dragnets, surveillance,
and government harassment.
Let me also address some personal legal
updates. I’ve retained the services of lawyers who I trust to handle the legal dimensions of my case. As of three weeks ago,
Tiga has done the same, with a different
firm. This means that the vast bulk of money raised since we were bailed out has gone
to legal expenses, a situation which will
unfortunately remain the same for the next
months or years since these costs will continue to increase. More generally, my bail
conditions haven’t been too onerous; that I
require permission from the court to leave
Indiana is the most challenging restriction,
since it makes it that much more difficult to
Fire to the Prisons-Issue 7-Repression-Pg. 30

see people I love.
There has been a nearly complete news
blackout on our case. So much so that I’ve
encountered people who believe that the
entire affair is just an Internet rumor or a
plea for attention. Apparently, regarding
the media, “that which appears is real, that
which is real must appear.” This is an obvious departure from police strategy in other
comparable cases, where arrests and raids
were accompanied by a frenzy of journalistic attention. In these situations, media
saturation and scrutiny were deployed as
powerful weapons against the accused, so
we can assume that there are specific reasons we’ve not suffered this, yet.
Thus, I believe it’s important to counter
this deliberate silence by calling attention
to the case, especially its most embarrassing elements. It’s possible to accomplish
this in ways that cast a spotlight on repression as it appears in the wider Green Scare
and prison system generally, not just in our
case. And this could be accomplished with
more creativity than just sending out press
releases.
It’s often forgotten that communication is
itself a project. At this point, the extremes
of silence and meaningless chatter are the
preconditions for repression against Tiga
and I and the basis for repression against
entire social strata targeted for imprisonment. So then, the precondition for responding socially to repression must be
a collective effort to create the space and
capacity for real communication (and encounters with diverse others).
There are many ways you can contribute
to our defense. Raising funds has been useful and will continue to be important. Beyond the necessary task of fundraising, a
more important dimension of solidarity is
to continue deepening and extending relationships and discussions, about this case
but in every other direction too. The charges brought against Tiga and I are an attempt
to spread silence and isolation. Let’s avoid
these at all costs. Breathing with you,
HUGH
6/25/09
SUPPORT SITE FOR INFO OR
DONATION:
www.mostlyeverything.net

EMAIL CONTACT:
freetigaandhugh@mostlyeverything.net
DONATION VIA PAYPAL:
unrebelde@riseup.net
MAIL PERSONAL CHECKS,
MONEY ORDERS, OR CASHIER’S
CHECKS TO:
tiga and hugh legal defense
c/o the future
p.o. box 3133
bloomington, in, 47402
Money Orders or Checks must be kept
blank. If people are uncomfortable with
this mention to write the email included as
the support email.

ALLEGED ANIMAL
LIBERATIONISTS
ON TRIAL HAVE
BAIL REVOKED
Williams ‘BJ’ Viehl (who is accused of
anti-fur farm activity) had his bail revoked
three weeks ago after he wrote letters of
support to other ALF/ELF prisoners which
was a violation of his terms of bail (his bail
terms said he wasn’t allowed contact with
anyone from the ALF or who is ‘straight
edge’). BJ’s co-defendant, Alex Hall, also
had his bail revoked for a separate incident.
(The police stopped Alex’s car, searched it
and allegedly found some brass knuckles).
PLEASE SEND URGENT LETTERS OF SUPPORT TO:
Alex Hall
Inmate #2009-06304
Davis County Jail
800 West State St.
Farmington, UT 84025
USA
William James Viehl
Inmate #2009-05735
Davis County Jail
800 West State St.
Farmington, UT 84025

USA
SUPPORT SITES FOR ALEX AND
BJ ARE:
www.supportbjandalex.com
www.myspace.com/supportbjandalex
www.supportvips.org

AETA 4 COURT
DATE DELAYED
On February 19th and 20th, the FBI Joint
Terrorism Task Force arrested Adriana
Stumpo, 23; Nathan Pope, 26; Joseph Buddenberg, 25; and Maryam Khajavi, 20 - 4
people it described as “terrorists”. Their
“terrorism” apparently consisted of writing
with chalk on a sidewalk, wearing bandanas while protesting, and distributing flyers
about animal research at UCSC.
There has been a heated campaign over
the past few years against experimentation
on live animals in the University of California system which has seen sabotage as
well as demonstrations against vivisectors.
The state response has already seen federal, local and UC police raid the Long Haul
Infoshop in Berkeley as well as a private
residence in Santa Cruz to steal computers
and literature, and the FBI forcibly acquiring DNA samples.
Nathan, Adriana, Maryam and Joseph are
not charged with any destructive acts. They
are the first people to be charged under the
Animal Enterprise Terrorism Act of 2007,
which basically makes bothering anyone
who does anything with animals an act of
“terrorism”.
The court has stilled not made a ruling.
The most recent court date scheduled was
delayed to November 2nd. If you live in
the California area, please go and show
your support. It is November 2nd, at 9:00
AM, in Courtroom 6 on the 4th floor at the
San Jose Federal Courthouse located at 280
S. 1st. St. in San Jose, CA
TOTAL SOLIDARITY WITH THE
ACCUSED.
FOR MORE INFO ON THIS ONGOING CASE AND THE “ANIMAL
ENTERPRISE TERRORISM ACT”:
www.//aeta4.org/
Fire to the Prisons-Issue 7-Repression-Pg. 31

ANARCHIST ARRESTED FOR ALLEGED ATTACK
ON DEMOCRATIC
HEAD QUARTERS
IN DENVER
NEWS CLIP:
The Democratic Party Headquarters in
Denver had eleven windows smashed out
with hammers early on the morning of August 25, 2009. The damage was estimated
at $11,000. It was exactly the one year
anniversary of the commencement of the
2008 Democratic National Convention in
Denver. Police reported seeing two vandals who fled. A single arrest was made
(the police witness and arrest seems to have
been a case of bad luck). That individual,
Ariel Attack, was held in Denver City Jail
for about 36 hours before a bail hearing and
the full $5000 bail was raised quickly.
As of September 4, almost two weeks later, the windows were still boarded up. This
means that on “First Friday,” the monthly
night when yuppies flood the neighborhood
to peruse art galleries and spur gentrification forward, the Democratic Party HQ was
still seriously damaged.
When news of the vandalism got out,
the media was quick to speculate that the
person arrested was either a conservative
against the health care reform or a Democratic Party “operative” trying to make the
Republicans look bad. That was before
they discovered that the anarchist community, including the Denver Anarchist Black
Cross chapter, was raising funds to bail the
individual out. “Anarchists raise bail for
Dem. HQ window-bashing suspect,” read
the Denver Post headlines. “Alleged Colorado Democratic HQ window basher may
be fan of no party.”
Surely they intended to say, no party but
the dance party. As hard as it was for the
media to wrap their heads around an (anti)
politics that is neither Democratic nor
Republican, even more troublesome was
the apprehended anarchist’s (anti)gender,

which wasn’t easily identifiable as simply
“male” or “female.”
For one rare moment, it seemed, society’s spectacle of simple binaries (liberal/
conservative, male/female) was being publicly trashed. But then, the media is wellversed in making a spectacle of anarchists
and trans people alike, and dragging their
names through the mud. And so they did.
And so it goes.
As to the anarchist criminal’s perspectives
on the health care debate, we are unable
to speculate, but it is rumored that anarchists are making the total destroy in many
countries which offer the “universal health
care”.
FRIENDS OF ARIEL LEGAL UPDATE AND CALL FOR SOLIDARITY:
“Ariel Attack, who was arrested for allegedly smashing 11 windows of the Democratic Party Headquarters in Denver, has
been charged with Felony 4 Criminal
Mischief. She faces 2 to 6 years in prison,
plus parole and fines if convicted. Ariel has
hired a lawyer with solid radical politics
and legal fees are estimated at $1500 to
$2500.
Ariel has made clear their intention to
proceed with dignity and not compromise
their principles in court. However, a plea
deal that’s not contingent on sacrificing is
very desirable for at least two reasons: total
legal fees would be lower, and a deal could
prevent prison time. If Ariel does time in
prison, there is a good chance it would be
spent in solitary confinement because Ariel
is a smoking hot trans person and might be
unsafe in the general “male” population.
Solitary is hard time.
So we are begging all of you for your
money. We know nobody has a lot but there
are a lot of you, so if you can give a few
bucks it is awesome.
Everyone who donates any amount will
receive a hand-painted and signed card
from Ariel. If you donate $10, we’ll send
you the latest copy of Denver’s anarchist
periodical “Til It Breaks” and a few glossy
“It’s Hammer Time!” stickers. If you donate $25 or more, you’ll receive all that
plus one of our sweet graphic “It’s Ham-

mer Time!” T-shirts. And for large chunks
of cash, we’ll figure out how to treat you
real special (wink, wink).
TO DONATE VIA PAYPAL, SEND
TO:
mjschwenk@gmail.com.
TO HOLLA BACK OR DONATE
VIA SNAIL MAIL, SEND US AN
EMAIL TO FIND OUT MAILING
DETAILS OR MORE INFO ON
ARIEL’S CASE:
friendsofariel@gmail.com
More important than your money or keeping Ariel out of prison, is your struggle for
freedom, and abolishing prisons to remain
alive. Think solidarity beyond the state’s
terms.”

JEFF “FREE” LUERS RELEASED
FROM JAIL 14
YEARS EARLY,
THEN PUT BACK
IN
It was an amazing and almost shocking
moment to hear that Jeff Luers who was
sentenced to 23 years for sabotaging a
few SUVs, would be released 14 months
early. Once we finally heard that he was
released 3 months earlier then the expected date, we were ecstatic. Unfortunately
our excitement came to a bitter end, when
we heard that the prison apparently made
a mistake. Jeff enjoyed just a few hours
outside of prison until being brought back
in to serve his remaining two months. We
included below a news clip from mainstream newspaper: “The Oregonian”.,
describing the events, titled:
Oregon prison springs ecosaboteur ‘Free’ by mistake, then
takes him back
“The man who drew the longest prison
sentence in U.S. history for eco-sabotage
walked out of prison this morning. After
years of appeals, Jeffrey M. Luers, known
Fire to the Prisons-Issue 7-Repression-Pg. 32

to Eugene’s anarchist clan as “Free,” was
just that.
But just as quickly, he was sent back to
prison.
The Oregon Department of Corrections
acknowledged today that it mistakenly allowed Luers to take advantage of a new
law, House Bill 3508, which grants reduced
sentences for certain classes of inmates.
Luers’ sentence for arson made him ineligible for early release, said prisons spokeswoman Jennifer Black, in Salem.
“It’s a mistake we wish hadn’t happened,”
she said. “We’re reviewing processes and
hoping that it just does not happen again.”
Luers was released from Columbia River
Correctional Institution in Northeast Portland this morning and given 24 hours to
check in with his parole officer in Lane
County. He checked in this afternoon,
where he learned of the error.
Authorities took the 30-year-old radical
environmentalist back to prison, a rude reversal for those who worked years to get
Luers out.
The day began with Luers’ supporters
writing on the Friends of Jeff Luers Web
site: “We are still pinching ourselves.”
Luers’ appellate lawyer in Salem, Shawn
Wiley, weighed in with an e-mail comment
to The Oregonian: “This day is long overdue. Jeff is a kind, thoughtful, intelligent
young man, and our community benefits
much more from his presence in it rather
than behind bars.”
But their joy was short lived.
Luers’ saga began in 2001, when Lane
County Circuit Judge Lyle Velure sentenced him to 22 years, 8 months in prison
after finding him guilty of two crimes in
Eugene -- attempting to set fire to a gasoline tanker owned by a petroleum distributor, then firebombing three pickup trucks at
a Chevy dealership.
The sentence drew gasps because it was
by far the stiffest punishment handed to an
eco-saboteur in the United States. Across
the nation, environmental activists and civ-

il libertarians expressed outrage.
At that time, Luers’ crimes were paltry
compared to those committed by better
known eco-saboteurs. Rod Coronado, for
instance, who waged a multi-state arson
campaign against the fur industry, was
sentenced to less than five years in federal
prison.
After Luers was sent to prison, arsons by
underground groups such as the Earth Liberation Front and Animal Liberation Front
ceased in Oregon, once a hotbed of environmentally motivated firebombings and
vandalism.
Law enforcement authorities said Luers’
long sentence served as a deterrent to those
who might consider setting fire to SUVs,
mink ranches or Forest Service installations.
In a phone interview from prison in September 2001, Luers told The Oregonian
that the gravity of his sentence did not
strike him until he lay in a prison bunk one
day realizing his parents might die before
he is freed.
Luers told the newspaper that he set fire
to the pickups to protest gas-guzzling vehicles and the disproportionate amount of
pollution they belch into the air.
He described the arson at Eugene’s Romania Chevrolet as a final, desperate act of an
environmental crusade that began benignly
with letters to politicians, door-to-door
work with the Sierra Club and tree sits to
prevent logging.
“It was an escalation to a level I’d never
gone before and I could never live down,”
Luers told The Oregonian. “At that point,
for me, I could no longer say I was an activist. In my mind, I’d taken it to the next
level.”
The Oregon Court of Appeals ruled in
February 2007 that Lane County must resentence Luers because Velure erred by
convicting him of two counts of arson and
imposing consecutive prison terms under
Oregon’s mandatory-minimum sentencing
law.
Lawyers negotiated an agreement that

re-sentenced Luers to 10 years in prison,
which would have brought him home this
Christmas.
Passage of House Bill 3508 this year gave
Luers even more good news. He was one
of the roughly 2,000 Oregon prisoners to
get notice recently that they were eligible
for a fractional reduction of their sentence,
Black said. For Luers, this meant freedom
a few months early.
But today’s foul-up nixed his freedom.
Luers is scheduled for release on Dec. 16.”

ITALIAN ANARCHIST ALFREDO
M. BONANNO AND
GREEK ANARCHIST CHRISTOS
STRATIGOPOULOS ARRESTED
ON BANK ROBBERY CHARGES
IN GREECE
October 1st, 2009-Well-known Italian anarchist Alfredo M. Bonanno and Greek anarchist Christos Stratigopoulos have been
arrested in Trikala, central Greece, on suspicion of carrying out an armed robbery
at a local bank. Police sources definitively
named the men as Alfredo M. Bonanno, 72,
and Christos Stratigopoulos, 46. Bonanno
is known to have authored numerous texts
that have acted as an inspiration for insurrectionists and anarchists across the world.
Armed Joy, one of Alfredo’s most notorious texts, got him 18 months in prison in
1977. Apparently the text was considered
dangerous enough by the Italian state that
it was worthy of such severe punishment.
He is also known for writing, “From Riot
to Insurrection”, “The Anarchist Tension”,
“Against Amnesty”, and “Lets Destroy
Work, Lets Destroy the Economy”. On
Fire to the Prisons-Issue 7-Repression-Pg. 33

February 2nd, 2003, Bonanno was sentenced to 6 years in prison on charges such
as bank robbery and sabotage, but released
for health reasons. Although it is slightly
cute that he is 72 years old and being accused of robbing banks in Greece, shortly
following his release from prison for health
reasons. This situation is a clear implication of the type of courageous and just
generally incredible human being Alfredo
is. But what is most important is that we
realize that Alfredo is 72 years old and currently being held in Greek prison, and must
at the sane tune be held in our thoughts and
recognized in our supportive actions. Texts
from Alfredo, as well as many quotes have
appeared in this magazine, and we hope
that he will be thought of and fully supported throughout this experience. Already
though since his arrest was made public,
resistance in solidarity with Alfredo and
Christos has already been conducted as we
mention after this initial news clips. Little
information is available regarding updates
on his case. According to police, Stratigopoulos carried out the robbery at a branch of
Piraeus bank on Thursday. He forced employees to hand over 46,900 euros, which
he then apparently handed to Bonanno,
who was waiting outside in a rented car. A
witness noted the license plate of the vehicle and informed the police, who stopped
the car on a road leading to Kalambaka. Officers found the stolen cash in the vehicle.
SOLIDARITY ACTION - FREEDOM
TO ALFREDO & CHRISTOS!
On Friday October 2 at about 8.15pm, a
low-intensity bomb went off only a few
meters away from the podium where Prime
Minister Karamanlis was delivering his
last speech, signalling the end of the preelection period (New Greek elections were
scheduled for Sunday October 4th).
The “Conspiracy of Cells of Fire” claimed
responsibility with a communiqué published on Athens IMC. The writers of the
communiqué deny the previous police
claims to have arrested 4 members of the
organisation, whilst another 6 remained
on the run. The “Conspiracy of Cells of
Fire” describe the placing of the bomb in
detail and send their revolutionary greetings to Alfredo Bonnano and his 46-year
old Greek comrade, Christos Stratigopoulos, both arrested and charged with a bank

robbery in the northern city of Trikala on
Thursday.

SERVING TIME:

Report found on www325.nostate.net.

GRANT BARNES

RNC DEFENDANT
DAVE MAHONEY
RELEASED FROM
JAIL
Dave Mahoney was temporarily in the US
and due to return to his home in England
before the new year (2009). He was arrested by the FBI during the Republican
National Convention in September 2008
and in the end was charged with 5 counts
of aiding and abetting 2nd degree assault and 5 counts of terrorist threats, 10
felonies in total. Trapped in Minneapolis,
Dave faced expensive legal costs and decades in prison. As numerous RNC related
charges were dropped, it became clear to
the community in the Twin Cities that Susan Gaertner - the prosecutor of all RNC
related felonies- was/is desperate to justify the temporary police state in St Paul
while providing a framework for her run
for governor in 2010. Dave, who remains
determined and active within his community ended up pleading guilty to a single
count of 2nd degree assault. After serving
a 56 day sentence in jail, Dave was released
September 2nd.
STATEMENT FROM DAVE FOLLOWING HIS RELEASE:
“So I got out yesterday (September 2nd)
early in the morning. It’s been an overwhelming couple of days, but I’m obviously really happy to be out. I’ve enjoyed a
good nights sleep and have not yet stopped
eating delicious vegan food. There will be
a party to celebrate my release and the near
end of Karen and Christina’s case tomorrow night.
I’m really worn out so I’ll keep this brief,
but I did want to thank everyone who wrote
to me in jail. It helped me pass the time and
I enjoyed writing everyone back. Thanks
also to those who sent books and visited
and put up with my phone calls :)
I hope to see you all soon.”

#137563, San Carlos Correctional Facility,
PO Box 3, Pueblo, CO 81002, USA.
Serving 12 years for setting fire to a number of SUV vehicles. The letters ELF were
spray painted onto all of the vehicles.

NATHAN BLOCK
#36359-086, FCI Lompoc, Federal Correctional Institution, 3600 Guard Road, Lompoc, CA 93436, USA.
Serving 7 years & 8 months for an ELF arson against a Poplar Tree Farm and an ELF
arson against an SUV dealership. Also admitted his role in an ELF/ALF conspiracy.

MARCO CAMENISCH
Postfach 3143, CH-8105 Regensdorf,
Switzerland.
Serving 18 years. Ten years for using explosives to destroy electricity pylons leading
from nuclear power stations. Eight years
for the murder of a Swiss Boarder Guard
whilst on the run. In ‘02 Marco completed
a 12-year sentence in Italy for destroying
electricity pylons in Italy.

JONATAN
An adress is not available for Jonatan; send
messages to freejonatan@yahoo.se
A 20-year old Swedish man sentenced to
15 months imprisonment after admitting
damaging a communication tower used
by the Department of Defence, cutting the
cables on a crane used in creating urban
sprawl, and damaging a vehicle used in the
logging industry.

MARIE JEANETTE MASON
#04672-061, FCI Waseca, Federal Correctional Institution, PO Box 1731, Waseca,
MN 56093, USA.
Serving 21 years and 10 months for her involvement in an ELF arson against a UniFire to the Prisons-Issue 7-Repression-Pg. 34

versity building carrying out Genetically
Modified crop tests. Marie also pleaded
guilty to conspiring to carry out ELF actions and admitted involvement in 12 other
ELF actions.

an old growth logging corporation. Admitted his role in an ELF/ALF conspiracy.
Also recently found in civil contempt for
his refusal to answer questions before a
grand jury.

ALSO VISIT FOR FURTHER INFO:
www.freemarie.org/

FOR FURTHER INFORMATION:
http://supportdaniel.org/

ERIC MCDAVID

MICHAEL SYKES

16209-097, FCI Victorville, Medium II,
Federal Correctional Institution, PO Box
5300, Adelanto, CA 92301, USA.

696693, Richard A. Handlon Correctional
Facility, 1728 Bluewater Highway, Ionia,
MI 48846, USA.

Eric McDavid is a political prisoner, currently serving a 19 year and 7 month sentence in federal prison for alleged “conspiracy” charges.” He was arrested in January
2006 after being targeted by an undercover
informant who formulated a crime and entrapped Eric in it. Eric was targeted by the
state for his political beliefs, and his case is
important for everyone who dares to stand
up. He is currently appealing his conviction and his sentencing. At the point of his
arrest no criminal damage has actually occurred. Please refer to back issues of Fire
to the Prisons, or visit his web site below
for more in depth description of Eric’s case.

Serving four to ten years for anti-urban
development construction arsons, criminal damage to a utility pole, spray-painting
political graffiti, and burning the American
flag. Michael has very little support compared to other prisoners serving time for
similarly motivated crimes. Michael was
arrested when he was 17 years old, sentenced as an adult, and had very little connection with a broader radical community.
We have little information on Michael, but
we firmly support you writing him. See
past issues of this magazine more in-depth
information on his case.

ALSO VISIT FOR FURTHER INFO
AND HOW TO HELP, SUPPORT,
OR DONATE:
www.supporteric.org

BRIANA WATERS

IF YOU HAVE INFORMATION
THAT YOU THINK WOULD BE
HELPFUL FOR ERIC’S CASE,
PLEASE CONTACT HIS LAWYER,
MARK REICHEL:
Mark J. Reichel
455 Capitol Mall, 3rd Floor - Suite 350
Sacramento, CA 95814
Office phone: (916) 498-9258

36432-086, FCI Danbury, Federal Correctional Institution, Route 37, Danbury, CT
06811, USA.
Serving a six year sentence for alleged involvement in an arson at the University of
Washington’s Center for Urban Horticulture. The facility aided in the DNA mapping of trees, making it easier for forestry
companies to produce profit.
FOR FURTHER INFORMATION:
http://www.supportbriana.org/
JOYANNA ZACHER

DANIEL MCGOWAN

#36360-086, FCI Dublin, Federal Correctional Institution, 5701 8th St - Camp Parks
- Unit F, Dublin, CA 94568 USA.

Serving 7 years for an ELF arson against a
Poplar Tree Farm and an ELF arson against

The SHAC7 are 6 activists and a corporation, Stop Huntingdon Animal Cruelty
USA Inc., that have been found guilty of
multiple federal felonies for their alleged
role in simply campaigning to close down
the notorious animal testing lab, Huntingdon Life Sciences. Three of the individuals
are currently in federal prison (Andy Stepanian, Josh Harper, and Darrius Fullmer
were all released after serving different
sentences) They are not accused of actually smashing windows, liberating animals
or even attending demonstrations, rather
reporting on and encouraging others to
engage in legal demonstrations and supporting the ideology of direct action. The
following 3 people mentioned are currently
serving time.

JACOB CONROY
#93501-011, FCI Terminal Island, Federal
Correctional Institution, PO Box 3007, San
Pedro, CA 90731, USA.
Serving 48 months.

LAUREN GAZZOLA

EMAIL:
mark@reichellaw.com

63794-053, USP Marion, US Penitentiary,
PO Box 1000, Marion, IL 62959, USA.

SHAC7

Serving 7 years & 8 months for an ELF arson against a Poplar Tree Farm and an ELF
arson against an SUV dealership. Also admitted her role in an ELF/ALF conspiracy.

#93497-011, FCI Danbury Route #37, 33
1/2 Pembroke Road, Danbury, CT 06811
USA.
Serving 54 months.

KEVIN KJONAAS
#93502-011, FCI Sandstone, PO Box 1000,
Sandstone, MN 55072 USA.
Serving 72 months.
FOR MORE INFO ON THE SHAC7,
THEIR CASE, AND HOW TO SUPPORT THEM:
www.shac7.com

JONATHAN PAUL
#07167-085, FCI Phoenix, Federal Correctional Institution, 37910 N 45th Ave.,
Phoenix, AZ 85086
Sentenced to 51 months for an ALF arson
on a horse meat plant. Also admitted his
role in an ELF/ALF conspiracy.
Fire to the Prisons-Issue 7-Repression-Pg. 35

VISIT:
www.supportjonathan.org

eration Front
See “A Reminder for a Delusional Era” Article
ABC stands for Anarchist
Black Cross (mentioned in
other prisoner information).

NOTE:
ELF stands for Earth Liberation Front
ALF stands for Animal Lib-

SOLIDARITY

IS

OTHER
PRISONER INFORMATION:
BREAK THE CHAINS
www.breakthechains.info
PRISON ACTIVIST RESOURCE CENTER
www.prisonactivist.org
WRITING PRISONERS:
HOW TO
http://anti-politics.net/dis
tro/download/writingpris
onersflyer.pdf
GREEN SCARE
www.greenscare.org
SUPPORT THE RNC8
www.rnc8.org
RADICAL
REFERENCE
www.en.wikipedia.org/wiki/
Green_Scare
SUPPORT THE MK3
www.helpmkethree.blogspot.
com

IF YOU ARE CURRENTLY IN PRISON
OR WITHOUT A COMPUTER YOU CAN
ALSO CONTACT THE
FOLLOWING GROUPS
FOR MORE INFORMATION ON ANTI-PRISON
PROJECTS:
SHOELACETOWN ABC:
Will send free literature to prisoners, including copies of this
magazine.
P.O BOX 8085, Paramus, NJ,
07652, USA
CENTRAL
GEORGIA
ABC
P.O Box 610, Roberta, GA
31078, USA
NEW YORK CITY ABC
P.O Box 110034, Brooklyn,
NY, 11211
HOUSTON ANARCHIST
ABC
P.O Box 667614, Houston,
TX, 77266-7614, USA
MODESTO ANARCHO:
Will send free literature to prisoners, including copies of this
magazine.
Modesto Anarcho, PO Box
3027, Modesto, CA, 95353,
USA

P

INDISPENSABLE.

rison
is
the tool of the state to
repress that which challenges it. Prison is our
biggest fear, more so
than death. If we are
to engage in a community or force that looks
to completely destroy
this social order, the
possibility of prison is
something that must be
incorporated into all of
our endeavors. Most
importantly, we must
create a force that only
grows stronger and
more intimate when
the state uses prison to
weaken and divide this
force. Beyond the continuation of resistance
when the state believes
it has stricken hard, it
is important that a precedent is always set with
how we support those
busted for engaging
in illegal activity (the
only activity that mat-

ters) against the social
order. When a member
of a gang or mafia is put
into prison, they go in
stoic and uncooperative, because they know
that they are respected
by the community they
represent.
They’re
commissaries are never
empty, they’re phone
calls are never limited,
and the gifts keep coming. Most importantly,
when they get out, they
know that who they
represent will be there
with gifts and a party
planned. When they
go to jail, they become
rock stars, not victims,
they keep their heads
up, and dedications in
check, because they
are rock stars, beloved
heroes to a community
that makes them heard
beyond prison walls.
Prison is a test of
strength for radical and
criminalized communities, if we fail this test,
we fail as a community
and as a struggle.

Fire to the Prisons-Issue 7-Repression-Pg. 36

CHRONOLOGY

OF NORTH
AMERICAN
PRISONER
RESISTANCE

N

aturally, the
proliferation of the prison has
been met with significant resistance from those most affected by it. This may be best
understood as a simple conflict of interests: the interests
of prisoners against the interests of the prison itself, which
does everything necessary
to maintain their confinement. Riots, escapes, inmate
fights, staff assaults, refusal
of orders, and disturbances
of all kinds are some ways
in which the tension of this
conflict is manifested. Each
time the prison cannot proceed with routine operations
it loses control of itself; each
time the prison loses control,

its inhabitants are able to act
outside of its constraints, in
accordance with their own
interests. All actions which
impede prison’s aim of social control can be considered
tangible resistance.
With only media reports as
our sources, it is impossible
to document every single
case. While reading this list
it is important to keep in
mind that the inmate is always living in resistance to
prison, regardless of whether
or not a newspaper article is
published about it. The actions reported here are only
to serve as examples of those
who - even up against the
grandeur of the prison and its
near-insurmountable walls –
manage to act out despite the
dismal reality of the situation.

Fire to the Prisons-Issue 7-Struggle from the Inside-Pg. 37

21 MAY, CIENEGUILLAS,
ZACATECAS, MEXICO
In three minutes, 53 inmates let themselves
out of their cells at the Reclusorio Preventivo Oriente under the cover of 8 armed
gunmen who escorted them into vans waiting in the prison parking lot. 23 guns were
stolen from the prison store room on their
way out.

25 MAY – UNIONTOWN,
ALABAMA, UNITED STATES
Two inmates escaped with outside help
from the Perry County Detention Center
through holes cut in the three perimeter
fences.

29 MAY - SANTIAGO DE
LOS CABALLEROS, SANTIAGO, DOMINICAN REPUBLIC
Inmates at the Dos de Mayo prison burned
mattresses and sheets to protest the transfer
of inmates.

29 MAY – GRADY, ARKANSAS, UNITED STATES
Two inmates put on corrections-officer uniforms and walked out of the Cummins Unit
prison during a shift change, driving away
in a car that had been left for them. They
were captured less than a week later after a
20 mile car chase in New York.

30 MAY – KITTANNING,
PENNSYLVANIA, UNITED
STATES
An Armstrong County Jail guard needed
medical treatment after being attacked by
an inmate. The alleged assault occurred
when the inmate was being “defiant in
his cell” and several correctional officers attempted to subdue him. The inmate
grabbed the pepper spray and turned it
against the guards, according to police, and
a guard was struck in the head by a white
tube sock with a bar of soap in it, lacerating
his forehead.

31 MAY – SPRINGER, NEW

MEXICO, UNITED STATES
An inmate walked away from an outdoor
recreation break at the Area One Juvenile
Center on the campus of the old New Mexico Boys School. He turned himself in four
days later.

1 JUNE – TRENTON, NEW
JERSEY, UNITED STATES
Four New Jersey State Prison guards were
injured during a scuffle with an inmate who
refused to return to his cell. The guards sustained a head injury, a rib injury, a shoulder
injury and a hand injury, respectively.

4 JUNE – GALESBURG, ILLINOIS, UNITED STATES
Henry C. Hill Correctional facility was put
on lockdown after an inmate assaulted a
corrections officer.

6 JUNE – GOODYEAR, ARIZONA, UNITED STATES
Three Perryville Prison inmates in three
separate cells decided to set their mattresses on fire simultaneously.

6 JUNE – ADELANTO, CALIFORNIA, UNITED STATES
Four FCI Victorville staff members were
assaulted while transporting an inmate.

8 JUNE – BOISE, IDAHO,
UNITED STATES
A correctional officer at the Idaho Maximum Security Institution was stabbed in
the head and face by an inmate with a piece
of metal.

9 JUNE – LONGVIEW, TEXAS, UNITED STATES
A Gregg County Jail inmate allegedly
started a fire in the jail area on the seventh
floor of the county courthouse.

11 JUNE – CLEVELAND,
OHIO, UNITED STATES

An inmate broke free from their handcuffs
and jumped out the window of a transport
bus traveling to the downtown Justice Center. Unfortunately, he was caught over a
month later in Arizona.

11 JUNE – KENILWORTH,
NEW JERSEY, UNITED
STATES
A Union County Jail inmate stabbed a corrections officer in the neck with a sharpened pencil.

11 JUNE – VANCOUVER,
WASHINGTON, UNITED
STATES
An inmate in the Clark County Jail intake
area for detoxification strolled into a restroom and tried to escape by removing a
vent, but the opening was too small. Undeterred, the inmate found a grey sweatshirt,
put it on over their jail-issued blue overalls
and walked out of the jail with a group of
inmates who were being released. Two
hours later, police arrested the escapee in
their home.

13 JUNE – KINGSTON, ONTARIO, CANADA
An inmate escaped from the Frontenac Institution but was caught five days later.

17 JUNE – NAMPA, IDAHO,
UNITED STATES
An inmate walked away from their work
release program and led police on a high
speed chase. They have yet to be caught.

20 JUNE – DALLAS,
NORTH CAROLINA, UNITED
STATES
An inmate at the Gaston Correctional Center scaled the north perimeter fence and
made off for the wood line. Unfortunately,
they were caught a few days later.

22 JUNE – KISSIMMEE,
FLORIDA, UNITED STATES
As an Osceola County Jail inmate was
Fire to the Prisons-Issue 7-Struggle from the Inside-Pg. 38

being escorted to their cell, they pulled a
loaded gun from their clothing and forced
the guard into a medical bay, ordering him
to exchange uniforms. The inmate fought
back until he was disarmed by the other officers who responded to the disturbance.

23 JUNE – TUCSON, ARIZONA, UNITED STATES
Nine corrections officers were injured
when a fight broke out at the Arizona State
Prison Complex.

25 JUNE – GREENWOOD,
MISSISSIPPI, UNITED
STATES
A Washington County Community Work
Center inmate escaped during a visit to the
optometrist with the help of an unidentified person who fired shots into the ceiling and disarmed the transportation officer
as the inmate removed their restraints and
changed their clothes. He was recaptured
during a routine traffic stop the next state
over.

25 JUNE – COVINGTON,
LOUISIANA, UNITED
STATES
Four inmates escaped from the St. Tammany Parish Jail by removing the caulking around the shatterproof glass window,
cutting through the eight metal bars and
squeezing through the 6-inch-wide opening. After jumping out the second story
window they cut through fence wires in
the prison yard, ran underneath an empty
guard tower and climbed over a razor-wiretopped fence to freedom. Unfortunately,
they were all caught within a few days.

the blinds on a window after being told by
inmates to leave it open.

7 JULY – KENOSHA, WISCONSIN, UNITED STATES

2 JULY – NEWKIRK, OKLAHOMA, UNITED STATES

Another escape from the Kenosha Correctional Center occurred when an inmate
didn’t report for work detail at Kenosha
Beef. They were apprehended five days
later.

Four inmates escaped the Kay County Jail
by scaling a wall up to the roof and busting
through a skylight. Once there, someone
threw a rope up to them and they climbed
down and stole a car. Unfortunately, they
were all caught within a day.

3 JULY – KENOSHA, WISCONSIN, UNITED STATES
A Kenosha Correctional Center inmate
ran off through an unlocked door after officers discovered them talking on their cell
phone. They turned themselves in a little
more than a week later.

8 JULY – LAS CRUCES,
NEW MEXICO, UNITED
STATES
A guard at the Dona Ana County Detention
Center was assaulted while a new inmate
was being classified.

An inmate was caught trying to scale the
Marble Valley Correctional Center’s twelve
foot fence in an effort to escape.

11 JULY – HELENA, MONTANA, UNITED STATES

5 JULY – CAMBRIDGE,
MASSACHUSETTS, UNITED
STATES

An inmate from Pod 8 of the Lewis & Clark
County Jail broke off a sprinkler head, triggering the fire alarm and flooding part of
the jail.

Middlesex County Jail inmates became unruly and attacked staff and the fire suppression system with a wooden bench, setting
off the sprinklers and causing a flood which
forced the jail to be evacuated. Approximately $400,000 in damages was done.

12 JULY – MICHIGAN CITY,
INDIANA, UNITED STATES

6 JULY – INEZ, KENTUCKY,
UNITED STATES
A USP Big Sandy inmate mailed 25 to 50
letters that contained anthrax threats to
Federal offices around Kentucky.

A correctional officer was stabbed multiple times with a homemade ice pick at the
Hamilton Correctional Institution.

6 JULY – WASHINGTON,
DC, UNITED STATES

A Cascade County Jail correctional officer
had their hand bit when they tried to close

A hole was found in the floor of the Lieber
Correctional Institution that a group of inmates were attempting to dig out.

4 JULY – RUTLAND, VERMONT, UNITED STATES

27 JUNE – JASPER, FLORIDA, UNITED STATES

29 JUNE – GREAT FALLS,
MONTANA, UNITED STATES

7 JULY – RIDGEVILLE,
SOUTH CAROLINA, UNITED
STATES

Six inmates walked out of the Department
of Youth Rehabilitation Services ’New Beginnings’ facility. They were all caught four
hours later, but this is the second escape in
the $46 million facility’s five week history.

Three Indiana State Prison inmates escaped
through an underground tunnel system, but
were all caught within two weeks.

13 JULY – BORDENTOWN,
NEW JERSEY, UNITED
STATES
Three state corrections officers were attacked by an inmate at the Alfred C. Wagner Correctional Facility.

16 JULY – AUBURN, INDIANA, UNITED STATES
An inmate escaped from the DeKalb County Jail, for the first time in the facility’s history, by breaking out the 6 inch thick window and squeezing through. He was caught
the next day.
Fire to the Prisons-Issue 7-Struggle from the Inside-Pg. 39

rectional Institution officers while being
searched.

18 JULY – KALAMAZOO,
MICHIGAN, UNITED STATES 23 JULY – TIJUANA, BAJA
A Kalamazoo County sheriff’s deputy was CALIFORNIA, MEXICO
injured at the Kalamazoo County Jail when
an inmate refused to enter a holding cell
and instead fought with police.

21 JULY – MCDONOUGH,
GEORGIA, UNITED STATES
A Henry County Jail officer was assaulted
by an inmate.

21 JULY – NEW ORLEANS,
LOUISIANA, UNITED
STATES
Two inmates escaped the Orleans Parish
Prison by sabotaging the locking mechanism on the facility’s seventh floor fire exit
stairwell and walking out. The first inmate
was recaptured eight days later while the
other was free for two weeks.

21 JULY – WARKWORTH,
ONTARIO, CANADA
More than 200 Warkworth Correctional
Institution inmates (About one third of the
prison’s population.) refused to enter their
cells and took control of most of the penitentiary for almost 24 hours. The inmates
burned “whatever they could get their
hands on” and “let it burn!” could be heard
chanted from the recreation yard throughout the night.

21 JULY – SAEGERTOWN,
PENNSYLVANIA, UNITED
STATES
An inmate slipped out of his handcuffs and
used them to beat a guard at the Crawford
County Correctional Facility. This comes
just one week after they were accused of
biting and inflicting other injuries to a prison lieutenant.

22 JULY – CUMBERLAND,
MARYLAND, UNITED
STATES
An inmate assaulted three Western Cor-

17 inmates broke a hole through a brick
wall with an iron rod, hit two guards and
ran out of a juvenile detention center.

25 JULY – MERCED, CALIFORNIA, UNITED STATES
An inmate at the John Latorraca Correctional Center assaulted two correctional officers before being subdued by a third with
a tazer.

25 JULY – MT. VERNON,
MISSOURI, UNITED STATES
A riot after an escape at the Lawrence
County Jail forced the county sheriff to
indefinitely close the facility. During the
riot, a group of prisoners pulled the electrical conduit down and destroyed security
cameras.

28 JULY – ST CHARLES, ILLINOIS, UNITED STATES
A sergeant and two officers were assaulted
at the Kane County Jail.

29 JULY – STILLWATER,
OKLAHOMA, UNITED
STATES
A Payne County Jail inmate popped out the
sensor of a fire sprinkler in his cell, flooding it out. The water leaked onto the first
floor and soaked the control tower computer and the computer in the medical office.

3 AUGUST – JONESBOROUGH, TENNESSEE, UNITED STATES
17 inmates flooded Cell Block 8 of the
Washington County Detention Center by
stuffing torn linens and fabric down the toilets drains.

5 AUGUST – PALATKA,
FLORIDA, UNITED STATES

A Putnam County Jail inmate was shot and
killed after scaling the perimeter fence and
trying to make off for the woods.

8 AUGUST - RICHTON
PARK, ILLINOIS, UNITED
STATES
An inmate escaped from a transportation
van traveling to Mississippi and was caught
a day later still wearing the leg irons they
were wearing when they disappeared. The
van was operated by the Mississippi based
North Atlantic Extradition Services, LLC.

8 AUGUST – CHINO, CALIFORNIA, UNITED STATES
A fight that started in the California Institution for Men reception center escalated
and spread to other areas of the prison.
The twelve hour riot rendered seven of the
eight dormitory units uninhabitable and
ultimately caused more than $6 million in
damages. See also page 12.

14 AUGUST - GOMEZ PALACIO, DURANGO, MEXICO
A riot broke out shortly after visiting hours
ended at the No. 2 Social Re-Adaptation
Center when prisoners attacked staff with
knives and guns. The prisoners then burned
a storage area and gained control of the
facility for two hours before 300 prison
guards and federal police were sent in to
quell the disturbance.

15 AUGUST – SAN JUAN,
SAN JUAN, PUERTO RICO
A prisoner being taken to jail fatally shot
an officer and injured another before escaping in their squad car.

17 AUGUST – OMAHA, NEBRASKA, UNITED STATES
A Douglas County Corrections inmate assaulted several corrections officers after refusing to be searched while being returned
from a court hearing.

19 AUGUST – GALVESTON,
TEXAS, UNITED STATES
Fire to the Prisons-Issue 7-Struggle from the Inside-Pg. 40

A Galveston County Jail inmate on work
detail got sick of taking orders and attacked
a Sheriff’s deputy.

21 AUGUST – BURGIN,
KENTUCKY, UNITED
STATES
Inmates rioted and burnt down the Northpoint Training Center after a “controlled
movement schedule” was announced by
prison officials. Six buildings were burnt
down in total, leaving five of the facility’s
six dormitories uninhabitable. Eight staff
members were injured in the three hour
riot. Officials have said the buildings will
have to be razed and the facility completely
rebuilt.

21 AUGUST – CORCORAN, CALIFORNIA, UNITED
STATES
A Corcoran State Prison guard was stabbed
in the arm while on duty.

23 AUGUST – DARTMOUTH,
MASSACHUSETTS, UNITED
STATES
A Bristol County House of Correction prison guard was sent to the hospital with head
and facial injuries after being attacked from
behind by an inmate.

24 AUGUST – FREEHOLD
TOWNSHIP, NEW JERSEY,
UNITED STATES
A Monmouth County Jail inmate stabbed a
corrections officer in the face with a handmade shank when they came in to fix a light
in the cell.

25 AUGUST – GRESHAM,
OREGON, UNITED STATES
A man escaped from his wheelchair while
faking a back injury while in transport to
the Yamhill County courthouse. A sheriff’s deputy was assaulted in the attempted
escape. He was unfortunately re-captured
following a truck heist and car chase. He
is currently in the medical unit at the Multnomah County Jail.

29 AUGUST – INTER- 11 SEPTEMBER – CINLACHEN, FLORIDA, UNITED CINNATI, OHIO, UNITED
STATES
STATES
A mobile home owned by the Putnam
County corrections officer who shot and
killed an escaping inmate was destroyed in
a fire. The fire was ruled arson by investigators and is believed to be set in retaliation.

30 AUGUST – BARTOW,
FLORIDA, UNITED STATES
A Central County Jail inmate broke a
sprinkler head and refused to leave their
cell. During the resulting altercation, one
of the responding correctional officers was
pushed onto their back and died eight days
later during surgery for a broken vertebrae.

31 AUGUST – LOCKPORT,
NEW YORK, UNITED STATES
A Niagara County Jail corrections officer
was assaulted by a female inmate who refused to be searched.

6 SEPTEMBER – KISSIMMEE, FLORIDA, UNITED
STATES
An escapee from a state prison Work Release Center was found in a motel near
Tampa, but shot themselves in the head before police could apprehend them.

8 SEPTEMBER – HUTCHINSON, KANSAS, UNITED
STATES
Nine inmates upset over the medical care at
the Reno County Jail used bunk beds, mattresses and tables to barricade themselves
in their pod.

10 SEPTEMBER – ANGOLA, LOUISIANA, UNITED
STATES
A Louisiana State Penitentiary inmate
picking up trash on work detail ran off and
was able to evade over 200 people from 18
agencies for four days by hiding out in the
Tunica Hills and swamps that border the
prison.

A Hamiton County Jail inmate became
irate after talking with a jail visitor and
ripped three telephones off the wall. They
then fought the four deputies who tried to
take them back to their cell. All four deputies were injured by the one inmate.

12 SEPTEMBER –
LONGVIEW, TEXAS, UNITED STATES
Six inmates started a fire in a plastic garbage can using pencils and electrical outlets in the day room of the South jail on
the sixth floor of the Gregg County Courthouse.

14 SEPTEMBER – SOUTH
BURLINGTON, VERMONT,
UNITED STATES
An inmate at the Chittenden Regional Correctional Facility injured a guard.
“Survival is when one can assist
his neighbor in his time of need,
no matter what his racial, political or cultural views may be. Survival is hearing one’s neighbor
call out to make sure the man is
not taking advantage of one, and
to let the man know you’re not
alone. Survival is being able to
state to oneself that I have made
it through another day — without
being killed, beaten half to death
or made to stand in a shower or
holding cell naked, hand-cuffed
for hours (for not moving fast
enough, or having the wrong
look, not using the right words,
or for speaking out on injustices)
— having one’s dignity at the end
of the day still intact to fight another day. And giving thanks to
whatever God one might believe
in, before closing one’s eyes for
sleep. You smile because you
have survived another day at
Pelican Bay.” -Bambari S. Kelly
Anderson. Prisoner in California.
Fire to the Prisons-Issue 7-Struggle from the Inside-Pg. 41

CLANDESTINE
RESISTANCE
“You need to hit back.”
“What if they?”
“You hit back harder.”

N O T E DT
DESTRUCTION
ATTACK ATTACK ATTACK

Denver, Colorado
Banks Funding Geo Group
Immigrant Prisons Attacked
July 13th, 2009
Communique:
“Continuing the fight against private immigrant detention facilities
located across the United States
funded in part by corporations like
the Geo Group, which is funded by
Wells Fargo, rebels attacked three
banks in Denver. In a communique
they wrote: “On the night of Monday, July 13th, we attacked three
separate Wells Fargo banks in Denver. At each location we smashed
out their windows and at one we
broke through the glass door, entered through it, and smashed up
the ATM inside.
We did it in rage against capitalism and other prisons. Wells Fargo
funds GEO group, the private prison company that’s building a new
prison in Aurora just a few miles
from here.
Of course, we’ll attack Wells

Fargo banks even if they stop funding prisons. We are not issuing
demands. We posted here to say,
“hello.” And to say, “that was easy
and lots of fun.” We covered our
faces and uncovered our weapons,
smashed their glass and made our
escape.
Targets are everywhere. Join in if
you wish.”
From
www.thegeogroupinc.com:
“GEO is a leader in providing
private correctional and detention management as well as mental health services to government
agencies around the globe. Our goal
is to help our clients serve those assigned to their care through a wide
range of diversified services including the design, construction and financing of state and federal prisons,
immigration and detention centers,
medical and residential treatment
centers and other special needs institutions.”

he
anarchist is not
an individual, it is
not an identity, it
is not a noun. The
anarchist exists in
moments and behavior.
To be an anarchist
is to actualize moments of conflict
with the social order whether or not
the desire is popular, or the circumstances are correct.
The anarchist is an
invisible driving
force that acts as a
retainer of tension
and conflict, and
looks to attack or
wound at all times,
hoping others will
catch on.
As nations across
the world escalate
repression and surveillance
before
a time of crisis;
some look to exploit such vulnerability, to hit when
your opponent is
down per se. As
people
continue
to be afraid, the
anarchist exists to
cause fear to the
feared. To be an

anarchist, is to resist
domination.
The anarchist has
been
murdered,
beaten, wounded,
imprisoned,
assimilated, and surveilled from its
very
beginning,
but anarchy continues to live as resistance continues
to live.
Here we include
a few clandestine
attacks on various
infrastructure of
the social order.
Of course insurrectionary or anarchist resistance is a
nightly occurrence
across the world,
we only have the
space and time to
report on a select
few. Please refer
to our links section
at the end of this
magazine for news
sites that are consistently updated
with information
such as this.

Fire to the Prisons-Issue 7-Noted Destruction-Pg. 42

Tacoma, Washington
Yuppie Condos Attacked
July 10th, 2009
Individuals in Tacoma Washington, continued their clandestine fight against
yuppie development and gentrification
of their area, by again attacking new
condominium developments. A communique posted on the internet read:
“Wednesday night we threw pieces of
concrete through multiple condo windows in the Tacoma area. This action
was taken in response to the disgusting
attempt by the City of Tacoma to gentrify our neighborhoods and city.

September 2nd, Greece
Bombs Rock Athens Stock Exchange As Country Heads for
Early Elections
September 2nd, Greece

Fuck condos, fuck gentrification, fuck Police believe that a revolutionary group is
Point Ruston, and fuck Seattle yuppies. responsible for a bomb attack against the
In solidarity with ourselves.”
Greek Stock Exchange and another bombing
of a government building in the city of ThesSurveillance Cameras Attacked saloniki. The explosive device, which set fire
Tacoma, Washington
to several cars, was hidden under a stolen
July 10th, 2009
van. Members of the group sent a warning to
a local newspaper in Athens, which allowed
Tacoma anarchists launched an attack the authorities to clear the area before the
against the surveillance state and control bomb went off. Unfortunately, a woman was
over movement in July. In a communi- hit by an amount of glass from the explosion,
que released online they stated:
but there were no injuries in the Athens attack. The bomb destroyed several cars, win“Last week a few anarchists attacked dows, and even damaged a nearby car dealmultiple CCTV cameras in north Ta- ership in the ensuing explosion. In a letter to
coma. Surveillance cameras only aid in a satirical newspaper, a group calling itself,
the furtherance of the prison system we “Conspiracies of Cells of Fire,” promised to
live in. The destruction of the cameras continue carrying out more attacks against
was an act against the attempt to “sweep Capital and the State.
the streets” of the city, and against the
persistent ICE raids in the Puget Sound In their communique, the group stated:
area.
“Throughout history, leaders of all kinds of
In solidarity with the kidnapped, deport- totalitarian regimes aim at social cohesion.
ed, and imprisoned.”
Through this cohesion the mass-human is
produced – more flexible, more disciplined
Corry, Pennslyvania
and more conservative toward the prevalent
Rail Line Sabotaged
social behaviors at all given times. It is the
July 11th, 2009
contemporary class of these socially integrated citizens who then discover their comPigs are on the lookout for saboteurs mon identity and crouch around the common
who attacked a railroad line. The inci- interest, common aspirations and desires. All
dent was discovered when a train op- the loneliness of the western world meet for
erator noticed that joint bars connecting a moment in the snap-shot of consumerist
sections of rail had been disassembled frenzy.
on the Western New York and Pennsylvania Railroad line about one-half mile
Each time that we emphasize on the opeast of Route 89 in Concord Township. erational part of a plan we do not do so in
Police said the sabotage could have order to claim some credits for operational
caused a train, which is an integral part flawlessness and bravery. That is nonsense.
of the flow and transport of commodi- Whatever we do, we do simply because we
ties, to go off the tracks.

feel it and it fills us with the meaning of our
existence. These references to some operational parts take place as an invitation to new
comrades in order to share with them our
belief that responsibility, good organizing,
trustworthiness, comradely feelings and decisiveness can attack that which until yesterday seemed unapproachable.
After all, the consecutive attacks that took
place in our city during the summer by different groups prove that the new urban guerrilla
tendency is already under way and prepares
its own charge. Broken doors, smashed shop
fronts, smoke from the torched buildings, the
chaos of the sabotages, is a network of communication beyond and outside the foreseeable. It is a way to tell our losses, our contradictions, our desires, ignoring the registries
of authority and laughing at its established
rules. No respect to the authorities of this city
and its obedient citizens.
We Shall Return”
This attack is only the latest in a string of
guerrilla actions, mass protests, riots, and
strikes which have throttled Greece since the
police shooting of 15 year old anarchist, Alexandros Grigoropoulos. This continued unrest has rocked the Greek political elites, and
early elections in October have been called
by Greece’s embattled conservative prime
minister.
The government, headed by the majority
party, New Democracy, has been battered by
a series of financial scandals and has come
under criticism for its handling of the riots
in December, the economy, corruption scandals, and more recently, government handling of a major wildfire that burned the outskirts of Athens this summer.
The bombing didn’t help their case.
Fire to the Prisons-Issue 7-Noted Destruction-Pg. 43

NATIVE CONFLICT

A

“The process of colonization begins
with the physical occupation of land
and domination of the Indigenous
people. Following the primarily physical aspects of colonization (ie. Military
conflict, relocation, etc,), non-physical
methods are applied. These include
what could be called mental aspects.
Religious indoctrination, cultural, social and economic assimilation are
common examples. Therefore it could
be said that colonization is comprised

s the “first world” scrambles to retain its comfort and superiority
before a failing economy or growing frustrated population, the “third class” of the
“third world” continues to struggle to survive as unrecognized citizens of a global
society.
Capitalist society looks to claim and profit
from every facet of life and land; constant
expansion is inherent to capitalist society.
For the capitalist society to operate it must
present a way of living to strive for, suitable
to profit and expansion. All life that looks
to exist outside the framework of this lifestyle guideline must be dealt with; either to
serve the interests of profit and expansion,
or through a process of liquidation.

of two primary aspects - physical and
mental.
Prior to colonization Indigenous peoples were free and sovereign nations.
Through colonization Indigenous people are deprived of their freedom and
live in an oppressed situation. In order
to be liberated from this oppressive
state the process of colonization must
be reversed.”
		
-”Decolonization”
		
By Zig-Zag & Keyway

Living in the “first world”, it is hard to
feel connected to everyday life struggles
of the kind mentioned after this introduction, but the fight for safe, self-sufficient,
or free communities is one that we see all
the time in different ways across the world,
from the Brooklyn projects to the Brazilian
rainforests.
Native and lower caste struggles not only
expose the inherent consequences of the
system and era we live in, both struggles
present a world in perpetual conflict with
the stability of global civilization today. In
a global world so mediated by information
technology and a global economy, native
communities act as evidence to possibilities of living differently from what we witness now. Migrant communities or lower
caste villages in the third world provide
examples of how the excluded organize in

defense of their collective livelihood and
overcome the social divisions capitalist society enforces and thrives on.
There is an inherent conflict between a
global economy looking to expand, and
communities looking to remain autonomous.
We could only fit a few reports that caught
our attention, but struggles such as these
are historic-happening now-and will continue to exist as long as capitalist society
looks to expand.
		

-Fire to the Prisons

“Until the last missionary is hung with the
guts of the last developer; all expansion
must be blocked.”

Fire to the Prisons-Issue 7-Native Conflict-Pg. 44

TENSION IN
CHILE RISES
Since the first attempt by the Spanish to
conquer the land of Chile in 1535, native
resistance to the occupation has remained
ferocious. In 1541 the Spanish conquest
declared the nation of Chile, and founded
Santiago. In 1553 Pedro de Valdivia, the
man responsible for the Spanish invasion
into Chile was kidnapped and killed by the
Araucanian Indians, who helped to block
the Spanish from claiming the land now
known as Chile during it’s first attempt
in 1535. To this day, violent tension exists between the occupying government,
and the native communities of Chile. In
more recent years, the Mapuche tribe has
posed a very visible opposition to the occupation; in fighting to preserve their culture
and land, and overcoming the repression by
the Chilean state. The Mapuche struggle
in Chile, along with Anarchist solidarity
expressed with the tribe has been noted in
prior issues of Fire to the Prisons. Since
our last issue, tension has escalated even
more so then usual, leading to attacks on
both sides, and the death of a Mapuche
fighter. We include here a short chronology
of some of the events that have happened
since our last issue.
Chile’s Mapuche Indians seize
land, police kill 1.
August 14th, 2009
Mainstream Newsclip:
SANTIAGO, Chile — Mapuche Indians
vowed Thursday to keep seizing land in
southern Chile despite the death of an activist who resisted an eviction by riot police. The rebellion appeared to be growing
despite efforts by the Chilean government
to help the Mapuche buy land and timber companies to help ease their poverty.
Hours after the activist was killed, an agricultural warehouse in the area was set
on fire, destroying about $1 million worth
of equipment, the interior ministry said.
President Michelle Bachelet said Thursday that the activists are harming their own
cause.”Nothing, absolutely nothing, justifies the violence in La Araucania” she said.
Jose Santos Millao of the activist group Ad
Mapu said the death Wednesday of Fabian
Facundo Mendoza Collio, 24, will only inspire them to fight harder for their ancestral

lands. Mapuches represent about 6 percent
of Chile’s 17 million people. They resisted
the Spanish conquest for 300 years before
the government finally pushed them into
communities in southern Chile. Most now
live in deep poverty.
Chilean police charged with
shooting and killing Mapuche
fighter following riots.
August 18th, 2009
Mainstream Newsclip:
Chilean military authorities have decided
to press charges against José Patricio Jara
Muñoz, the Carabinero (uniformed police)
officer who shot and killed Mapuche fighter Jaime Mendoza Collío during a confrontation last week in Region IX. Jara Muñoz
is accused of using excessive force resulting in death.
Solidarity attack on Police homicide investigation offices.
September 3rd, 2009
A group of ‘encapuchados’ attack the precinct of the plainclothes investigative police (PDI) outside of the Unversidad Academia de Humanismo Cristiano (UAHC)
campus in Santiago. Reports are coming in
that at least two people have been arrested
in connection with the attack.
Mainstream Newsclip:
Chilean police authorities continue to track
down the estimated 50 hooded protesters
who mobbed a Providencia police building
Wednesday afternoon, leaving one detective injured and prompting a major university to close its doors. As of early Thursday
morning, police had captured two suspects.
The attack on the Homicidal Brigade of
the Investigations Police (PDI) - Chile’s
plainclothes detective force – was apparently launched in protest of the upcoming Sept. 11, 1973 coup anniversary that
ousted President Salvador Allende. During
the 10-minute attack, college-aged protestors tossed Molotov bombs, rocks and cans
through the building’s windows and at police officers who tried to stop them.

jor university to close its doors. As of early
Thursday morning, police had captured
two suspects.
The attack on the Homicidal Brigade of
the Investigations Police (PDI) - Chile’s
plainclothes detective force – was apparently launched in protest of the upcoming
Sept. 11, 1973 coup anniversary that ousted
President Salvador Allende.
During the 10-minute attack, college-aged
protestors tossed Molotov bombs, rocks
and cans through the building’s windows
and at police officers who tried to stop
them.
Violent public outbreaks are commonplace around Sept. 11 in Chile, but protestors struck days earlier than expected this
year, angered by recent clashes between
police and Chile’s Mapuche population,
the nation’s largest indigenous group, in
Region IX.
Anonymous communique
participants:

from

“At the beginning of our demonstration a
detective from the Homicide Brigade proceeded to attack one of our comrades, we
beat him back. Because of this the rest of
the detectives came out to defend him using their arms against ours. With automatic
rifles, pistols, revolvers, sub machine guns
and shields they tried to disperse us, but
our revolutionary conviction and our rage,
which make us realize that we are fighting
for our people and in memory of those who
have fallen in the struggle, was stronger
than their weapons.
The PDI has characterized itself by its
oppressive character as we have seen in
Wall Mapu, where together with Carabineros and the army they have militarized the
zone and developed a counterinsurgency to
destroy the Mapuche struggle…
With rocks, Molotov cocktails, and paint
bombs we confronted the bullets of the
PDI, and forced them to stay locked up inside of their station”

Chilean police authorities continue to
track down the estimated 50 hooded protesters who mobbed a Providencia police
building Wednesday afternoon, leaving
one detective injured and prompting a maFire to the Prisons-Issue 7-Native Conflict-Pg. 45

Mapuche conflict continues to flare in southern
Chile.
Bachelet’s cabinet members met by violence And
protests.
Monday, September 7th, 2009
Mainstram Newsclip:
Five members of President Michelle Bachelet’s cabinet were met
with violence and heightened protests over the weekend during
their visit to the country’s troubled Region IX. Region IX, known
as the Araucanía, is also on the front lines of the conflict between
the central government and native Mapuche, who say they have
been displaced and marginalized by the state. A landowner fired
a shotgun at a group of Mapuches who began starting fires on
his property, injuring at least three of them, according to the local Diario Austral newspaper. Masked men later burned down a
nearby warehouse, destroying agricultural supplies worth more
than US$20,000. On Sunday police said they had apprehended and
interrogated a 25-year-old in connection with the attacks, according to the newspaper La Tercera. Several of the measures focused
directly on Mapuche communities in distress, such as direct subsidies to indigenous wheat farmers, nearly US$1.5 million of seed
capital with preference for indigenous entrepreneurs, and 1,500
new emergency employment positions directed at communities
with the highest unemployment levels and Mapuche populations.
The announcement drawing the most attention came from VieraGallo, who said the government would restructure its government
land program, which has purchased and returned some 650,000
hectares to indigenous communities. Viera-Gallo said a new process was needed to increase transparency and cut down the speculation that has lifted land values throughout the region. The result
has been a nation-high unemployment rate of 14.1 percent in the
Araucanía, with the official rate rising above 17 percent in some
parts of the Malleco province. The study’s director said that the
region’s indigenous issues were not directly addressed in the study
but may be contributing to deteriorating perceptions and investments in the region. Those perceptions have worsened in recent
weeks after a uniformed police officer killed 24-year-old Jaime
Mendoza Collío, one of several Mapuche who were occupying an
estate in the north of the Araucanía region (ST, Aug. 31 ). Indigenous activists have responded to the shooting with protests and
violence, shutting down highways in the IX Region and occupying
universities, rural estates and municipal buildings.

SOLIDARITY WITH MOHAWK
NATION IN CANADA!
Ontario, Canada
Road Blockade in Solidarity with Mohawk Nation
June 24, 2009
Communique:
“June 17th 2009, people dressed in black blocked the Hanlon Highway at Paisley Road during rush hour. Trees and branches were
pulled across the southbound lanes and two smoke bombs were set
off to draw attention to the banner, which was dropped from the
railway overpass. The banner read: “PARK YOUR CARS! Soli-

darity with the Mohawk Nation.”
This action was done to disrupt the transport of goods and people
belonging to the Linamar Corporation. Linamar is a member of the
Security and Prosperity Partnership which has plans to militarize
and fortify borders and guards. Like in Awkesasne, Tyendinaga
and Peru, we too stand against the SPP and its projects.
Solidarity with the Mohawk Nation means ATTACK!”
More on the Mohawk Struggle and Resistance
wiinimkiikaa.wordpress.com

TOBIQUE FIRST NATION
BLOCKADE ENTERS THIRD
MONTH
June to August (so far) 2009
Tobique First Nation set up a roadblock on the highway leading to the Mactaquac hydro dam in south
central New Brunswick, Canada.
As of August 05, 2009:
On the morning of Monday, June 8, 2009, a group of Maliseet
community members walked peacefully into the hydro station.
Stephen (Red Feather) Perley approached the New Brunswick
Power Corporation (NB Power) employees and said, “You guys
have fifteen minutes to pack up and get out.” The employees left,
the community wrapped a chain around the gate and locked it. The
dam was now the property of the Tobique First Nation.
Tobique, the largest Maliseet reserve in the province, first rejected
a developer’s bid to build a hydro dam on their territory in 1844.
The Tobique River was “part of what may well have been the greatest salmon river system in the world with hundreds of thousands of
fish swimming upstream to spawn each year. The abundant salmon
defined the community’s way of life, providing food and employment – many worked as guides in the summer months. Today,
barely any wild salmon still make their way up the Tobique river.
Tobique residents blame the high rates of cancer on the power lines
over their reserve and the toxic chemicals dumped and sprayed on
their land by NB Power. Ironically, Tobique residents are charged
among the highest electricity rates in the province.
In May of 2008, a group of Tobique activists set up a blockade by
the road into the reserve and denied NB Power access. Almost all
band members stopped paying their power bills pending a negotiated agreement. In July of 2008, the community began allowing
NB Power access to the dam to do repairs and maintenance on the
condition that NB Power employees check in with them first and
that a band member escorts the employees into the dam or community. That month, NB Power forgave over $200,000 worth of hydro
bills. Women sat at the blockade every day until November, when
New Brunswick’s no-disconnect policy comes into effect. The
policy prevents NB Power from cutting off anyone’s electricity.
Fire to the Prisons-Issue 7-Native Conflict-Pg. 46

Tensions escalated on June 26, 2009,
when a truck rolled by the blockade
and into the station. When the blockaders caught up with it, the driver was
talking on his cell phone. Stephen
Perley told him to hang up. “You’re
trespassing,” Perley said, “On behalf
of Tobique First Nation, I’m seizing
the truck.” The First Nation has made
some gains: on June 30th, 2009, the
provincial Minister of Aboriginal Affairs committed to funding the restoration of eroded riverbanks and the
clean-up of toxic and other wastes
dumped at and around the dam.
However, the dam and now a truck
worth $170,000 are in the hands of the
Tobique First Nation and they’re not
giving them back without an equitable
settlement. In the weeks and months to
come, anyone concerned with Indigenous rights should keep a close eye on
the province of New Brunswick.

NATIVE TENSION
AND CONFLICT
ESCALATES IN
PERU
From a flyer passed out during solidarity march with Native
Struggles in Peru during August
2009 in New York City:
“Following the orders of President Alan
Garcia, the Peruvian police opened fire on
a 2,000 person demonstration marching
against the plundering of the country’s 67
million hectare rainforest for lumber and
oil. When the smoke finally cleared on June
5, 84 of the mainly indigenous protestors
had been murdered and many of their corpses were immolated to cover up the number
of deaths. The free vs. fair trade discourse
rendered by liberal bourgeoisie-apologists
distorts the true nature of the Peruvian situation. Capital, as long as it exists, will attempt to eradicate any obstacle that hinders
the commodification of the natural world
into raw materials for production. The
external notions of victim hood impressed
upon the slain demonstrators by human
rights organizations also blurs the situation
by down playing the violence characteristic
of our class when we oppose capital’s project. We, on the other hand, stand in full soli-

darity with the machete wielding protestors
who dismembered 10 cops in the clash and
the unknown insurgents barricading roads
to the rainforest and sabotaging oil pipe
lines. Only when taking this position in the
conflict can we understand the essence of
the state apparatus in general, and its specific function in Peru, as a strategic relation
which aims to isolate and crush those assembling the exploited into a battle-ready
organization fit for civil war.”
					
		
-”Get Walking”
Peru government revokes laws
after violent confrontation between indigenous people and police; leading to more tension and
popular distrust in the state.
Mainstream News Clip:
On April 9th, 2009, more than 1250 indigenous communities began a National campaign to confront new laws established by
the Peruvian government to grant mining,
oil, logging, and hydro companies free access to Indigenous territories. Protests were
daily and blockades were stoic, setting up
more than two dozen blockades and holding countless protests in nine Provinces.
The mobilization came to a brutal peak on
June 5th, when police forces were sent in
to break up one of those blockades—on
the Fernando Belaunde Terry Road in Bagua. Indigenous People are labeling Bagua

MACHETE AND SPEAR BEARING NATIVE PROTESTERS BLOCK ACCESS TO YURIMAGUA CITY IN THE AMAZON.

“Even in revolution there’s a hierarchy to respect, and white
comes before black and everything depended on one fact: first
world productive forces were more advanced than the others,
they’d progressed further therefore their struggles were of a
higher quality. No-one has dreamed of questioning this certainty
even if a revolution has never been seen in the white world.”-O.S.

Fire to the Prisons-Issue 7-Native Conflict-Pg. 47

a “massacre, “ while various Peruvian officials desperately search for excuses in
the public eye, claiming that the Peruvian
police that attacked the blockade were actually part of a “conspiracy” conducted by
“foreign governments”, such as Venezuela’s Hugo Chavez or Bolivian President
Evo Morales. The violent confrontation in
Bagua left 34 dead according to government figures, “25 police” and “9 native
people”. On the other hand, the Coordinating Body of Andean Indigenous Organizations or CAOI says more than 250 people
missing, all of them Indigenous leaders
who are presumably dead.
Miguel Palacin of CAOI said: “How can
those with guns and prepared to attack have
25 dead, and those who were unarmed and
were defending themselves have only nine
people dead. Most people don’t believe
that anymore” said Palacin. Rumors say
the bodies were openly burnt and thrown
from helicopters during the attack outside
of the public eye. Following the confrontation, on June 9th, obviously due only to international attention, two of the laws were
overturned by the Peruvian government.
Conflict remains tense as the Peruvian state
continues to find stability before an escalating native tension and popular contempt for
it’s recent doings.

MAYA VILLAGERS
BURN GOLD MINE
EQUIPMENT
June 24th, 2009
San Marcos, Guatemala
A group of Mayan Mam villagers set fire to
a pickup truck and an exploration drill rig
earlier this month at the Marlin gold mine
in San Miguel Ixtahuacan municipality,
San Marcos, Guatemala. The mine is operated by Montana Exploradora de Guatemala, a subsidiary of Canada’s Goldcorp Inc.
According to Rights Action, Goldcorp
had been pressuring about 20 Maya families from the Sacmuj villages to sell their
land. The families consistently said no to
the company. Goldcorp decided to just
ignore the villagers and bring their equipment onto their land without the villager’s
consent.

The villagers began asking Goldcorp
to remove the vehicles and equipment.
They also presented the Human Rights
Ombudsman of Guatemala with a formal
complaint. On Wednesday, June 10, Goldcorp employees told the villagers that they
would remove everything the next day.
But the day came and went, and the equipment remained. Instead of removing it, the
company signed an agreement to take the
equipment the next day after that, June
12. Then, as June 12 rolled on it became
clear that once again the company was not
going to comply— leading a group of villagers to respond, by burning the equipment. Incidentally, on June 10 Goldcorp
requested a police and army presence. The
government immediately sent in 2 units
from the national police and 4 vehicles full
of soldiers. The next day, June 11, other 6
police units rolled in, along with two units
from the anti-riot squad. Fortunately, the
officers did not intervene when the villagers took action on June 12. However, June
19, Goldcorp successfully convinced the
Guatemalan government to bring charges
against seven Maya villagers in relation to
the incident.
FOR THE GLORY OF GOLDCORP
The situation mentioned above is not a
new situation, for native people in Guatemala, or the GoldCorp corporation. On
January 22, 2007, GoldCorp had charges
laid against twenty two Maya community
members, and arrest warrants issued for
seven. That same day, GoldCorp promised
to establish a dialogue with the community,
who had set up a blockade 10 days prior to
protest a range of concerns about the mine,
which included the “destruction of dozens
of homes due to the use of explosives; water contamination resulting in health problems of people and livestock; an apparent
lowering of the regional water table resulting in the drying out of wells and natural
springs, and some crop failure (example:
fruit trees).”
Eventually, nearly all of the charges were
dropped. Yet in 2008 GoldCorp tried to run
the same gimmick again but this time they
charged eight Mayan women. This situation is ongoing.

substances like arsenic, extremely high
concentrations of which were found in a
river downstream from the mine. Instead,
GoldCorp says, it’s because the Mayas
don’t know how to clean themselves.

THE FIRST AND
THIRD WORLD
ARE OF THE
SAME WORLD.
MORE FROM
“GET WALKING”.
“The visual excess produced by the mass
media counter poses the dictatorships’ of
the global south to American democracy,
thus contrasting garbage with garbage.
While hardly ever mentioning domestic
oppression, CNN incessantly drenches its
viewers with bloody images of border skirmishes in far-off lands and snapshots of
foreign military generals in aviator glasses
but gives little to no explanation of the accompanying circumstances. “Be happy you
live within these safe American borders,”
is not only the underlying message of every international news segment but also a
repressive tool used to mask the reality of
capitalist exploitation within the US and
inhibit auto valorization as a response. The
appearance of safety and social peace is
nothing but a low intensity weapon used
to counter any possibility of an insurgency
in the US. Underneath this facade of normalcy, the American State is like all other
States and the very structure of liberaldemocratic rule is tyrannical and despotic
because the rule itself can only operate in
a perpetual state of emergency. When the
social peace is disrupted, all States show
this marking characteristic by suspending
supposed “rights” and “liberties” and disposing of very laws it wishes to enforce.
Thus, the distinction between democracy
and dictatorship is as laughable as a game
of eeny, meeni, mini, mo on the cold toes
of corpses. The only choice our miserable
lives allow is either the total destruction
of a world dominated by government or to
continue to drown in generalized barbarity.

GoldCorp states that the lesions and rashes
covering the bodies of Maya Men, Women
and Children, is not because of poisonous
Fire to the Prisons-Issue 7-Native Conflict-Pg. 48

ATTACK
ING DE
CEPTION

attacks
on
churches

T

his civilized, technological, commodity culture in
which we live is a wasteland. For most people, most of the time,
life is dull and empty, lacking vibrancy, adventure, passion and ecstasy. It’s no surprise that many people search beyond the realm of
their normal daily existence for something more. It is in this light
that we need to understand the quest for the spiritual.
Of course, many, if not most, religious people are not really
questing for anything. Religion provides them with dogmas, easy
answers which allow them to stop thinking, feeling or acting for
themselves. I feel nothing but disgust for their mindless, dogmatic
spirituality and will deal no further with it. It is rather with sincere
spiritual questing that I wish to deal.
I was raised a fundamentalist Christian, so I have first-hand experience of one of the most repressive forms of religion. A few-though very few--fundamentalists are truly questing for something
more. I was one of these. I questioned, I probed, I sought for the
intense depth of passion that this religion promised but that its
practitioners rarely manifested. I decided to study for the ministry,
not because I wanted to be a minister, but because I hoped to gain a
greater understanding of the spiritual. During my studies, I left my
fundamentalism behind, embracing a Christian mysticism which
combined aspects of Pentecostalism, Tolstoyan anarcho-pacifism
and non-violent millenarian revolutionism.
In order to better live this “radical Christianity,” I dropped out of

college and wandered around the country visiting “radical Christian” communes. I finally settled in a commune in Washington,
D.C., because they really seemed to be doing something. Within
a few months, my attempts to live my faith came to a head. I was
putting all my strength and energy into actively expressing the
“radical” self-sacrifice that I believed would transform the world
into the kingdom of god. Twelve hours a day, I worked on a project
designed to help poor ghetto-dwellers create a housing cooperative in which they would collectively own and control their housing. My energy gave out. When I called on god to help me, he
wasn’t there to answer. When I was most dedicated to him, the
god I had trusted all my life failed me. As a result, I had a nervous
breakdown and went through several months of severe depression.
What finally brought me out of it was recognizing that there was
no god, there was no reason to expend myself in absurd self-sacrifice and my energy would be best used in creating my own life.
My rejection of Christianity and god first took the form of a crass
mechanistic materialism, but someone who had so passionately
pursued the spiritual could never be satisfied with a dead mechanistic view of reality. So I dissected Christianity--my two and a
half years of theological studies was useful in this--and compared
and contrasted other religions. I already knew that Christianity was
dualistic, dividing reality into spirit and matter. I discovered that
this dualism was common to all religions with the possible exceptions of some forms of Taoism and Buddhism. I also discovered
something quite insidious about the flesh/spirit dichotomy. Religion proclaims the realm of spirit to be the realm of freedom, of
creativity, of beauty, of ecstasy, of joy, of wonder, of life itself. In
contrast, the realm of matter is the realm of dead mechanical activity, of grossness, of work, of slavery, of suffering, of sorrow. The
earth, the creatures on it, even our own bodies were impediments
Fire to the Prisons-Issue 7-Attacking Deception-Pg. 49

to our spiritual growth, or at best, tools to
be exploited. What a perfect ideological
justification for the -exploitative activities
of civilization.
But I don’t believe religion necessarily
developed purely as a way of justifying
exploitation. Much more likely is that as
exploitation immiserated the lives of people, the ecstatic joy of wild existence and
of the flesh unrepressed became fainter and
fainter memories until at last they seemed
to be not of this world at all. This world
was the world of travail (from the Latin
root word which gives all the Romance
languages their word for work) and sorrow. Joy and ecstasy had to be of another
realm--the realm of spirit. Early religion is
wildly orgiastic, clearly reflecting the lost
way of life for which people longed. But by
separating this wild abandon into the realm
of spirit, which is in reality just a realm of
abstract ideas with no concrete existence,
religion made itself the handmaiden of
civilized, domesticated culture. So it is no
surprise that in time shamans evolved into
priests who were functionaries of the state.
Religion--which started as an attempt,
clearly flawed, to regain the ecstasy of unconstrained pleasure--as the hand-maiden
of authority had to take a different stance
toward pleasure. For the most part, religion
has declared pleasure to be gross, evil, or a
distraction from “higher” spiritual pursuits.
Present pleasure was to be repressed for a
future paradise. A few schools of religious
thought took a different tactic. Since pleasure could so clearly induce ecstasy, these
schools said that it was fine to practice
these activities as long as it was done in
the right way, at the right time, for purely
spiritual purposes. The spontaneous, playful expressions of pleasure were strongly
discouraged as they distracted from the
spiritual expressions of these practices. The
puritanism and productivist orientation to
pleasure in some tantric and sex-magickal
texts is astounding. In these spiritual practices, pleasure is subverted from its natural
course in which it would create a world of
free play and is transformed into spiritual
work.
The rejection of religion in recent centuries has mainly taken the form of crass,
mechanistic materialism. But this is not
truly a rejection of religion. This form of
materialism still accepts the matter/spirit

dichotomy--but then proclaims that spirit
does not exist. Thus, freedom, creativity,
beauty, ecstasy, life as something more
than mere mechanical existence are utterly
eradicated from the world. Mechanistic
materialism is the ideology of religion updated to fit the needs of industrial capitalism. For industrial capitalism requires not
only a deadened, dispirited earth, but deadened, dispirited human beings who can be
made into cogs in a vast machine.
But there have been other rebellions
against religious ideology. I am most familiar with those that arose in Christian
Europe. In their most radical expressions,
the Free Spirits, the Adamites and the Ranters utterly rejected the flesh/spirit dichotomy, claimed paradise for the earth in the
present, claimed divinity for themselves
as physical beings and rejected the concept of sin and absolute morality. At their
best, they were radically anti-religious.
They used religious language in a way that
turned religion on its head and undermined
its basis. It seems that these anti-religious
radicals weren’t aware of the full implications of what they were doing, and because
of that their rebellion was recuperated
where it wasn’t simply wiped out.
Industrial capitalism and its attendant
ideology, mechanistic materialism, have
drained the life and beauty from our experience of the world. We have been taught
to distrust our own experience and to accept as “knowledge” the word of authority
as found in textbooks, heard in lectures or
poured into us by television or other media.
And the picture of reality we are spoon-fed
is so joyless, so lacking in passion, that
if there is any feeling left in us, we must
have something more. Because religion
has usurped the passion from the world,
its language is often quite passionate, ecstatic, even erotic. It certainly sounds like
the place to look for the depth of feeling
and wild creativity for which we long. In
my own explorations, I experimented with
mystical practices and magical ritual. And
both within the context of these experiments and outside of that context in wilderness areas, I have had experiences which
don’t fit into the framework of a mechanistic materialist world view. Certainly, religion could provide a framework for those
experiences.
But, ultimately, religion fails to meet

“spiritual” needs. It fails because it declares those needs to be spiritual--of a nonworldly realm-and so cannot deal with their
roots. For it is civilization with its need to
exploit the earth, and most especially industrial civilization for which even humans
must become mere cogs in a huge machine,
that drains our lives of beauty, of creativity,
of passion, of ecstasy. William Blake said,
“If the doors of perception were cleansed,
everything would appear as it is: infinite.”
And I know our senses can be doors to vast
worlds of wonder. I have experienced as
much. But our senses have been bound to
the needs of production and consumption,
and so made incapable of experiencing the
vibrant life that is the physical world on a
moment-to-moment basis.
Religion claims to give us back the freedom, the creativity, the passionate fullness
of life that was stolen from us, but, in fact,
is part of the conspiracy to keep this fullness from us. In relegating creativity, passion, freedom and ecstasy to the realm of
the spiritual, religion safely takes them out
of the realm of daily life and puts them in
their “proper” place where they cannot become a threat to civilization--the realm of
ritual and ceremony. My own experiments
with magic and mystical practice taught me
something interesting. When I looked back
on my experiences without putting them in
any sort of ideological context--and without religious metaphors to obscure what
was really going on, I realized that everyone of these experiences was a physical,
bodily, sensual experience, not an experience in some sort of “spiritual” realm. But
it was an experience of the senses free of
their ideological, civilized chains. I was
momentarily experiencing the world as a
wild being, without mediation. It’s interesting to note that the metaphor that I have
found most useful in describing these experiences is the lycanthropic metaphor--I
felt that I had turned into some non-human
creature. Civilization has become so much
a part of our definition of the human, that
our minds seem to view experiences of
uncivilized sensuality as experiences of
inhuman sensuality. When religion defines
these experiences, it destroys their sensuality and wildness, denies their bodily
nature, and so civilizes them. Eventually,
they fade. Religion ceases to be orgiastic
and turns dogmatic--and to those with any
perception it becomes clear that religion is
incapable of fulfilling its promise.
Fire to the Prisons-Issue 7-Attacking Deception-Pg. 50

The revolutionary project must certainly include
the end of religion--but
not in the form of a simplistic acceptance of
mechanistic materialism.
Rather, we must seek to
awaken our senses to the
fullness of life that is the
material world. We must
oppose both religion and
mechanistic materialism
with a vibrant, passionate, living materialism.
We must storm the citadel
of religion and reclaim
the freedom, the creativity, the passion and the
wonder that religion has
stolen from our earth and
our lives. In order to do
this we will have to understand what needs and
desires religion speaks to
and how it fails to fulfill
them. I have attempted
to express some of my
own explorations so that
we can carry on the project of creating ourselves
as free, wild beings. The
project of transforming
the world into a realm of
sensual joy and pleasure
by destroying the civilization that has stolen the
fullness of life from us.
	
-Feral Faun
From Anarchy: A
Journal Of Desire
Armed #17, Fall/
Winter 1988

T

he church, and all man-made infrastructure of a man-made god, is a tax-free business
enterprise, worthy of the same animosity and violence as any bank. It is funded by its generation to
generation deception, and praised by the social order for its unique and brilliant deliverance of social
compliance both historically and currently. People
will probably scoff and complain for reporting on
actions like these. But these are not attacks on an
individual’s beliefs, these are attacks on an ideology that can only exist by its constant expansion and
imposition. An ideology that’s helped to create the
Western World today.
As the church continues to modernize and plunder
the spirituality of native groups in the South Pacific,
Africa, Asia, or South America, it continues to fund
lobbyists in the states. We have no pity for the godfearing who found their “sacred” places sabotaged,
as cited in these reports.
Destroying the church is to attack the bank of the
western spirit. It is to destroy the spectacle of god.
Once the church is destroyed, god and all that has
been rationalized in this idea’s name is destroyed.
For god only exists in the church and its doctrine.

CHURCH AND BUSINESSES ATTACKED
IN ABILENE, TX
Todd Wilson, pastor for worship and music at First
Baptist Church in Abilene, surveys damage to a
chapel stained-glass window on Thursday, July 9th,
2009. Police said five or six downtown businesses
were vandalized Wednesday night or early Thursday. “It’s a senseless act and a destruction of beauty
and God’s house,” said Mike Greenfield, pastor for
administration at First Baptist in Abilene. “I’m frustrated that somebody has that little respect for God’s
house.” In the chapel, the safety glass protecting
the stained glass was pierced, knocking openings in
five of the large stained-glass windows. Police said
five or six downtown businesses were vandalized
Wednesday night or early Thursday. Greenfield estimated repairing the church panes would cost close
to $6,000. However, the chapel stained-glass windows, which have been in the church for 50 years,
could cost $5,000 each to replace.

KEENE, N.H.: “HOPE”
CHAPEL WAS COVERED IN RED SPRAY
PAINT SATURDAY
July 14, 2009
Mainstream News Clip:
This vandalism has more philosophy than profanity
with at least 40 phrases, including, “end the lies,”
“think,” “end the hate” and “Nietzsche was right.”
The vandals targeted the church with a message of
atheism, causing an estimated $15,000 to $20,000
in damage.
Rev. Joseph Mabe recalls seeing, “15 to 20 anarchy
signs, anti-Christianity signs, anti-religion signs,”
. In addition to the symbols, the vandal wrote out
direct quotes from 19th-century German philosopher Friedrich Nietzsche, like “God is dead.” “I was
angry, at first, that someone would do this because
we’re doing our best to help people and make good
news available for people,” said Dan McMahan, a
Hope Chapel elder. McMahan said the anger is gone
and now is the time to forgive. “We just put up,
‘Mr. Vandal, Jesus loves you, too.’ and actually, our
people this morning had many conversations about
finding whoever did this and welcoming him into
our church,” Mabe said.
Fire to the Prisons-Issue 7-Attacking Deception-Pg. 51

A REMINDER
FOR A
DELUSIONAL
ERA
AGAINST GREEN CAPITALISM;
FOR EARTH LIBERATION

E

ach issue of Fire to the Prisons includes in-depth descriptions or
references to different people currently
incarcerated or on trial for what the state
calls “eco-terrorism”, and what others call
“earth liberation”. Some radicals have criticized this underground movement as being
a mere “single issued” force. This criticism
is in response to some of the “environmental” concerns cited in the rhetoric spouted
by certain prisoners or defendants who

have been arrested for or accused of earth
liberation motivated crimes, or the communiques made public claiming actions
under the banner of the “Earth Liberation
Front”. Although these criticisms have distanced those punished for “eco-defense”
driven crimes or “earth liberation” attacks
themselves from the sympathies of many
other radical groups; the “earth liberation”
movement, or the international “eco-terror” conspiracy, has proven itself to be as
ferocious, uncompromising, and consistent
as the repression it has faced, and unfortunately continues to have to overcome. To
keep it brief, since the “Earth Liberation
Front” along with its state appointed affili-

ate group, the “Animal Liberation Front”,
was declared the number one most dangerous domestic terror threat in the United
States by the F.B.I in February 2002, state
investigation, surveillance, and harassment
has found new funding, resources, and opportunity. If you are not familiar with the
history of these two non-organizations that
operate informally as clandestine and underground actions loosely connected by
anonymous communiques signed “Earth
Liberation Front” or “Animal Liberation
Front”sent into different media outlets;
we recommend looking at the web-sites
included below the actions mentioned following this introduction. We also recom-

Fire to the Prisons-Issue 7-A Reminder for a Dillusional Era-Pg. 52

mend reading the prisoner repression section of this issue, as well
as prior issues to deepen an understanding of the state’s attempt to
silence this threat.
But alas, even as the state continues to escalate its repression towards this invisible forth, hoping
to intimidate and punish whoever
they can find or connect to it, resistance continues. Its incredible
and inspiring no matter what your
interested in politically or anti-politically, that a struggle exists like
this, specifically in the western
world today. As a society that has
built itself at the severe expense
of its own habitat begins to accept
the potential consequences of this
bastardly assault, a radical outlook
on the situation that doesn’t look to
profit off of the new or trendy concern (Whole Foods, Sierra Club,
Toyota Prius, etc.) but destroy the
origin of the problem can certainly
be refreshing. “Built Green? Nope
BLACK!”, was spray painted at
the scene of an arson claimed by
the “Earth Liberation Front” that
caused over seven million dollars
in damages to a green condo development in Maltby, Washington
(a suburb 25 miles northeast of Seattle) in March 2008. A precedent
set before a growing reign of green
capitalism.
Although it is important to see
how much harder it is for state
agencies to investigate crimes not
formally claimed as the “Earth
Liberation Front”, and quite possibly with an awareness of this fact,
attacks are happening against urban or industrial development that
go unclaimed. Requiring those
who hear of it, people or police,
to have to come to their own conclusions about why so and so was
destroyed.
As capitalism begins its process
of painting flowers on the images
of its industry, some have stood
ground to remind us through force,
that such attempts to put band aids
on the wounds inflicted on the habitat of this lost humanity will not be
tolerated.

Earth Liberation
Front Torches Development Water Truck
in Mexico//August
7th, 2009
Excerpt from a communique:
“In the clandestine darkness,
on a tranquil and hot night,
we assembled our dream
with gasoline that would
soon be fire.
We walk under the ghosts of
the trees already destroyed,
only our breathing and steps
we could hear. During this
night, everything went well.
We arrived at our objective,
a truck full of water, utilized
to squander hundreds of liters of water for the earth
that civilization would later
lick, urbanizing it and leaving it completely infertile,
all for the construction of
streets where zombies wander.
We placed our device in the
front rim of the truck and
we hid behind urban flora.
A small spark of happiness
suffices to illuminate a sad
night of agony.”
-Earth Liberation Front/
Mexico
Fifteen Tractors &
Earth Movers Sabotaged in Santa Cruz,
CA (USA); $500,000
in Damages//
August 16th, 2009
Mainstream News
Report:
A vandalism of a Green Hills
Road construction site during the weekend caused at
least $500,000 in damage to
15 tractors and earth movers, Scotts Valley police
reported Tuesday.

The damage was discovered
Monday morning. Two or
more vandals put a mortarlike substance into the engine blocks or fuel lines of
all the large machinery at the
project site, where a company is in the early stages of
building a 16-home development, according to police.
No one has claimed responsibility and investigators
have no suspects, though
they
did collect evidence at
the scene, police Lt. John
Hohmann said.
Police have not categorized
the crime as ecoterrorism,
but the FBI offered assistance in the investigation.
Scotts Valley police are also
collaborating with UC Santa
Cruz police. Hohmann said
the university has had “quite
a few incidents” of similar
vandalism, the most recent
of which was a few weeks
ago. No one has been arrested in connection with those
incidents and UCSC police
have no suspects, Hohmann
said.
Everett, Washington: Earth Liberation
Front Topples Two
Radio Station Towers// September 4,
2009
At 3:30 am on September
4th, 2009, a bulldozer was
used to topple two controversial radio towers in Everett, Washington belonging
to the KRKO radio station.
A banner saying Earth Liberation Front was left at the
scene.
From Earth Liberation
Press Office:
“Due to the health and environmental risks associated

with radio waves emitted
from the towers, we applaud
this act by the ELF,” stated
Jason Crawford, a spokesperson for the North American Earth Liberation Front
Press Office. “When all legal
channels of opposition have
been exhausted, concerned
citizens have to take action
into their own hands to protect life and the planet.”
For the past eight years, opponents have waged a legal
battle against the towers, arguing that AM radio waves
cause adverse health affects
including a higher rate of
cancer, harm to wildlife, and
that the signals have been
interfering with home phone
and intercom lines.
Last year, the first four towers were erected by KRKO
after numerous hearings and
appeals.
Fifteen Hummers
Sabotaged at a Dealership in Portland,
OR
September 14, 2009
Earth Liberation
Press Office Media
Release:
Acid was poured over fifteen
Hummers at Vic Alfonso Cadillac in Portland, OR, USA.
As of yet there has been
no claim of responsibility.
However, it is evident from
the sabotage that this act was
conducted in response to the
environmental devastation
caused by SUVs and Hummers in particular.
VISIT:
Earth Liberation Front
Press:
www.elfpressoffice.org
Bite Back Magazine
www.directaction.info

Fire to the Prisons-Issue 7-A Reminder for a Dillusional Era-Pg. 53

RIO
TS

AT T
THE

G

20

his article was added to
this issue close to
our printing deadline. We tried to
include as much
information as we
could find as possible. Unfortunately,
quite a bit of state
and federal repression is popping up
randomly
around
the country as we
go into print. We
apologize if you
were arrested at the
G20, or recently
subject to investigation or surveillance
by the state, or dealing with any postG20 state abuse and
not mentioned here.

Please feel free to
forward us any legal information or
unmentioned events
around the G20 to
include in our next
issue, or forward
to readers of this
magazine. All noted information here
stems from news reports found online.
All information here
is previously made
public by another
news source of
some sort.
With that said, this
says what we heard.

Fire to the Prisons-Issue 7-Riots at the G20-Pg. 54

T

he Republican National Convention of 2008
helped to spark a new found understanding of American
radical violence. Any opportunity to destroy, or produce
tension, is an opportunity that must be seized. Following
the RNC, federal and state special task forces clearly decided to move their domestic “anti-terror” posturing from
Animal and Environmental resistance to those perceived
as anarchists or autonomists. With random raids prior to
the event, an overwhelming police state to greet the demonstrations around the RNC, random sweeps of people on
the street, over 800 people arrested, 21 of which lead to
felony convictions, a string of raids during and after the
event itself, the use of informants, and trials that still continue to this day-we were under the assumption the state
was expecting the G20 to be a bit more timid. But even
before a police force of 4000, most of which was brought
in from neighboring cities or flown in from places like Arizona, plus the national guard, the unfunded hoodlums acting as the opposition were able to create mayhem for the
G20 in Pittsburgh this September 2009. No protests around
the event were permitted by the city, so any public opposition was subject to arrest. We’re assuming those destroying
things were generally on the run, so those who had faith
in the cold heart of police practice faced the wrath of the

police response Specifically students had an opportunity
to see the true side of the police as demonstrations around
PITT University were met with some of the harshest police repression. Although random targeted sweeps of more
militant demonstrators were also a frequent occurrence at
the G20 by the military and police.
As we read: on September 24th, at around 2 or 2:30 p.m.
an un-permitted march began to assemble at Pittsburgh’s
Arsenal Park. As the park quickly swelled to over 1000
people, riot police began to surround the park on all sides.
Before they were able to completely contain the gathering,
a small group of people began to leave the park heading
down two streets parallel with the G20 summit location,
followed by a few hundred people helping to fill up the
streets. Immediately after the break-away march cleared
a few blocks, they were declared an “unlawful” assembly.
After a few more blocks, the snaking mob was met by a
line of riot police communicating through a loudspeaker repeating a pre-recorded message. As the message explained
that the group was declared an unlawful assembly, a voice
turned into a tormenting alarm like noise called an LRAD
or a Long Range Acoustic Device. This was developed by
the American Technology Corporation to act as a crowd
control device. Although the LRAD is owned by a few police forces in the United States (example: NYPD), the G20
is understood as the first domestic use of the device that was
designed originally for Navy warships to warn on-coming
Fire to the Prisons-Issue 7-Riots at the G20-Pg. 55

ships approaching without permission. It
is designed to generate a noise that can
permanently damage hearing or go beyond the average human threshold for
pain. But the group proceeded to remain
in tact and respond to the LRAD, police
warning, and tear gas with uncompromising confrontation to the police line.
Tear gas was thrown back, and projectiles and dumpsters were thrown towards
the police to keep a distance. Watching
footage of this particular incident, it appeared that once the tear gas became too
much, or the police were planning to attack, the group began to run back into
the smaller streets of Pittsburgh. Some
of those who chose to stay were arrested
or beaten by police. As what was said to
around 200 fled the scene, they entered
the Bloomfield neighborhood of Pittsburgh where a bank was attacked and the
mob continued to flee. Some on-lookers
cheered and watched as this violent force
quickly swarmed the neighborhood. It’s
said that friendship park was the re-convergence point for fleeing rioters. During this encounter, the demonstration’s
alleged communications office was being
raided, leading to two individuals arrested and held at a 30,000 and 5,000 dollar
bail (Refer to repression piece following
this). Twitter based communication continued although the original communication spot was raided by the police. Shortly after 4 PM the crowd grew to a few
hundred clearly amped from the unexpected events prior. As the police heard
or noticed the crowd growing in Friendship park, like earlier, they began to try
and surround the park. During this the
mob began to flee again, attempting another snaking march. The mob swiftly
managed to remain together even before
an ever encroaching police force. As the
march continued at it’s “slowly jogging”
pace, the police attempted to attack as it
took a turn. Although a few individuals
were nabbed by undercover police, the
mob defended themselves by throwing
projectiles at the police, keeping them
at a distance. Once distance was established, the mob dragged a chain-link
fence to create a barrier in the street and
aid in their escape. A few seconds after
the escape was perceived successful, individuals attacked a Boston Market and
BMW dealership, leaving them both with
broken windows and new debts. The

mob continued, running over the nearby
bridge into North Oakland. Once arriving onto the other side, banks and franchises like KFC were also attacked. This
specific mob as described by an article
found online by “crimethinc”, was said
to have dispersed from there. Small
confrontations are understood to have
taken place throughout the day as well.
In video footage you see rioters in different parts of the city, attacking police
cruisers with dumpsters and rocks. The
police suffered the wrath of their own
stupidity, as mobs of rioters attacked a
fully equipped police state, with nothing
but the clothes on their bodies, or what
seemed to be whatever was around or
would fit into their bags. As the mobs
temporarily dispersed the police began
to expand, making their presence even
more abrasive.
As the night approached, and the cities
tension seemed to escalate more and more,
from what’s been said, the city seemed to
be filled with a mixture of secured elite
parties and activist schmoozing events.
One event, however, stood out. A motivational speaker, using a power point
presentation, and were assuming epic
rhetoric explained the emotional benefits
of the therapeutic practice known as the
riot. Apparently such a thing is much
cheaper then most pharmaceuticals or
shrink rates. The motivational talking
seemed to end at ten, as people convened
following the therapy session, looking
for more opportunities to discover inspiration. At 10 PM a “Bash Back” themed,
predominantly black-clad dressed mob
took to Forbes Ave., 100 or so strong.
Equipped with numerous dumpsters used
to blockade intersections, helping to protect the mob from the police, and create
a comfortable space for the mob to release some pain, chants like “We’re here,
we’re queer, we’re anarchists, we’ll fuck
you up”, helped to set the mood for the
event. What appeared to be over a hundred people marching around a dumpster
containing high flames of fire, the street
was lit up, as individuals appeared to run
in and out of the march and on and off of
the sidewalk, destroying storefronts left
and right. Some of the businesses that
reported vandalism were: Panera Bread,
McDonald’s, Bruegger’s Bagels, Subway, Rite Aid, FedEx Kinko’s, Ameri-

can Apparel, the Pitt Shop, and a nearby
H&R block. As the tension continued to
escalate, and the mob was forced to take a
turn, a police substation was attacked by
dozens in the mob. The mob continued
onward, as the police desperately looked
to contain it. Before its final dispersal,
more businesses were attacked in the college neighborhood of Oakland. Some of
which were Quizno’s Subs, PNC Bank,
BNY Mellon, and Citizens Bank. As
the mob dispersed into a crowded area
near the University, they disappeared
into a crowd of random students and
residents gathered by the overwhelming
sight of the police, and Obama visiting
the area just hours before. Confused by
the quickness of the mob’s dispersal, like
bullies who lash out at recess when their
victim’s get revenge, the police chose to
attack more or less, everyone. Students
watching nearby or gathered in the nearby Schenley Plaza and or the “Cathedral
of Learning” on the PITT campus, were
forcefully attacked and arrested by police. Tear gas and pepper spray were also
used on pretty much everyone in the area.
Students who refused to move were just
beaten and arrested. One girl we noticed
in video footage was being shoved by riot
police as she was trying to leave the area.
After two to three shoves, the courageous
young woman was tired of the bullshit,
and chose to defend her space by throwing her bike at the enormous coward or
police officer behind her. Although anyone with a heart or mind would have seen
this act as an attempt of self-defense, the
police hit her in the face with their batons, continued to beat her as she was on
the ground restrained, and then moved
her out of the video camera’s range. Although this was an act of abuse by bully
cowards, we’re assuming that at most she
will be rewarded money, if not charged
with assault on an officer. As her situation was caught on video, were assuming
quite a few of the beatings were not.
From the footage we’ve seen and reports
we’ve read, it seems that this day was an
eye-opener for residents and students regarding the true nature of the state, and
the control they had over their everyday
lives. This may have been a day of empowerment for anti-political hooligans
looking to send a message to the elite
who claim to rule this world.
Fire to the Prisons-Issue 7-Riots at the G20-Pg. 56

The victory was social tension. Unlike
shutting down a specific event, this does
not remain isolated to its occurrence.

“YES, WE ARE
ADDICTED TO

RIOTING”

O

“
nce again we find ourselves on the road, hurtling towards an
unfamiliar city using some sort of gathering of international leaders as an excuse to
reunite with fellow anti capitalist miscreants from around the country in hopes of
provoking a modest level of social conflict
in yet another mediocre American city.
Last minute meetings, paranoia, and a
sinking feeling in our collective guts, these
are the classic feelings of anxiety and nervousness that always precedes an action. I
make my way to Arsenal Park, the starting
point of the seemingly suicidal 'People's
Uprising' march. My anxiousness eases
slightly as I pick out familiar faces which
greet me with complicit nods. We head in
packs towards the meeting point. The park
itself is now a terrible mix of masked maniacs, placard waving protestors, and various freaks including a young man dressed
in a cow outfit parading themselves before
the assembled throngs of media. A large,
sinister looking crew begins to assemble;
shirts cover faces, gloves are tugged over
hands, and hoods are pulled up. It is clear
that some people came ready to fight.
“A, Anti, Anti Capitalista...” a chant goes
up as the black clad mass moves into the
street, only to be immediately enveloped by
a mob of photographers and video cameramen slowing the nascent march to a crawl.
They make it to the corner and the front of
the march suddenly veers to the left, diverting from the publicized route. Those
in the know quickly realize that this abrupt
redirection of the march is made with the
intent of moving towards the wealthy

Shadyside district, away from the police
presence downtown. Unfortunately the
march organizers seem stubborn in their
wishes to bring the march downtown, into
a choreographed display of dissent with the
thousands of waiting riot police. Through
pleadings, yelling, and threats they are able
to push the bulk of the march downhill
towards the convention area leaving the
splinter bloc isolated and with little other
recourse than to follow the march towards
the inevitable confrontation with the mass
of the police.

A loud car alarm noise, followed by a recording: “This is the chief of Police, you
must disperse immediately...” The march
is as close to downtown as the police will
allow. Tear gas clouds begin to billow up
from the bottom of the large tank-like Armored Personnel Carriers wedged into the
ridiculously narrow streets of Lawrenceville. Rocks are thrown at a particularly rotund pig perched atop his preposterous vehicle. A projectile whizzes gleefully close
to the pig's head provoking a new round of
tear gas. The crowd, now a mess of running bodies, catapulting bricks and coughing on gas, scrambles through the cramped
streets grabbing at rocks and overturning
dumpsters. One dumpster is righted to its
former position and after cruising uphill
for a while is reversed and pushed downhill
gathering momentum as it races towards its
destination.
A group surrounded by banners slowly
inches its way towards the hostile line of
riot cops who lob gas canisters at them.
One of the braver individuals in this group
extracts themselves from the banners, and
manages to return the gas towards the police lines, safely reentering the temporary
refuge of the banners. As this helmeted
group begins to slowly retreat, the afore-

AN ANONYMOUS
COMMUNIQUE,
FOUND ONLINE,
DISCUSSING THE
G20:

mentioned dumpster comes rattling down
the hill and is finally released, by its temporary conductors, hurtling towards the police who scatter upon its arrival. More gas
is released.
The scattered clashes finally become untenable as we get closer and closer to downtown Pittsburgh. Many begin to shed their
masks and retreat back up the hill towards
the re-convergence point in Friendship
Park. At this very moment, unbeknownst to
those beginning their withdrawal, a smaller
group which had already abandoned the
march is moving its way up Liberty Avenue, eventually they encounter a PNC
Bank whose ATM's and front windows are
shattered as a security guard looks on in
impotent frustration. A legal observer for
the ACLU is counter observed calling the
police with a description of the alleged perpetrator of the window smashing.
A brief interlude of coffee, enthusiastic
conversation and the feeling that there is
more excitement to come is broken by the
announcement that another march is already leaving from Friendship Park. Pulling on gloves and yelling to friends we run
towards the departing crowd. We squeeze
into the back end of a decent sized march as
black masks are slipped back on. It seems
that the afternoon's action has just begun.
In the front of the crowd there is another
attempt by the organizers to push the march
back into downtown. The police use this
hesitation to mount a charge splitting the
throng in two. There is a tense moment as
the crowd is squeezed between a chain link
fence and stampeding riot police.
Regrouping it is clear the pigs have made a
mistake; they have just pushed a black clad
mob into an abandoned lot full of rocks.
Quickly the unfortunate cops are pelted
Fire to the Prisons-Issue 7-Riots at the G20-Pg. 58

with chunks of concrete. Batons swing
out, and a plume of thick orange smoke
is thrown from the crowd. The police
begin to fire rubber bullets causing the
rock throwers to run. Luckily a Boston
Market falls directly in the path of the
rampaging throng, all of the restaurant's
windows are caved in with rocks. The
mob continues and a bank is set upon, a
cinder block is heaved with two hands
overhead and comes crashing into the
drive-in teller's window. Rocks are flying everywhere. The crowd realizing
that its rampage has come to an end
scatters into alleyways and parking lots,
ditching weapons and changing clothes.
On the other side of the police charge
a squad car has its window shattered by
a rock, a BMW dealership is met with
a hammer. A beefy local tries to make
a citizen's arrest of the culprit, but is
quickly dissuade by a masked duo. A
KFC is also met with bricks and rocks.
A few people are beaten to the ground
by police and dragged away but the majority of the crowd manages to escape
safely.
“Are you ok?” “Where is XXXX?”
Nervous phone calls eventually reveal
that all of our friends are safe. So far
so good. It is early evening and already
many of us have witnessed more street
fighting today than we have in years.
Nighttime in the Oakland district. Pitt
Students have been having a prolonged
and unusual standoff with mounted riot
police for hours. Rumors circulate that
there is more on the menu for the night.
A crowd begins to assemble on Fifth
avenue a block north of Forbes avenue
which, loaded with chain stores, is the
main business street in the area. Someone stands up and announces “Welcome to the march, we ask that no one
destroys any property...” the masked
crowd glares at the speaker who quickly
adds“...until we reach Forbes Avenue.”
Laughter as the group realize they must
restrain ourselves for one short block.
Glitter is thrown into the crowd creating a surreal touch to the already bizarre
moment. Not a police officer is in sight.
We take the street and round the corner. In an alleyway a small group of
hooded figures shove several dumpsters

into the now sparkling mob. The dumpsters are dragged onto Forbes avenue
and slammed to the ground. “Set them
on fire!” someone screams, and in an
instant flames are flickering from inside
of the metal container. To my right I
hear the familiar sound of hammer on
glass, I turn to see every single window
of the block methodically shattered.
Soon the noise is echoed as the opposite
side of the street is similarly destroyed.
Two police vans drive up towards the
rear of the crowd causing a brief panic.
However they seem unwilling to take on
the crowd, and merely ram the flaming
dumpster, emptying its charred contents
onto the pavement. The focus quickly
moves from the cruiser's flashing lights
to a police sub station that lies directly
in our path. A projectile flies from the
crowd just missing the plate glass of
the station. Fury is unleashed. With utter hatred a group leaves the march and
begins smashing, kicking and pummeling the windows of the station. A brick
bounces off the thick glass as a u-lock
is tossed into the spider web of the shattering crystal.
The mob continues in a frenzy, more
windows are broken. Police begin to
arrive. A chant arises from the crowd
“we're here, we're queer, we're anarchists, we'll fuck you up!” a passing
Jock takes up the challenge and eloquently yells “faggots!” at the crowd.
The reply comes in the form of a limp
wristed fist to the frat boy's smug face,
followed by a well placed kick to his
gut. To finish the dialogue, a can of pepper spray is released into the bigot's already watering eyes. He is left enlightened and bloody on the sidewalk. By
now the students are getting excited by
the turn of events and the police begin
to panic. Gas is released, helicopters
descend. Time to leave.
Sweaty and exhilarated we head home.
As we wait at a light, a police cruiser
zooms up to us. I am gripped with fear
until I realize that the car, which is
headed from the direction of the march,
has its entire windshield smashed in.
The cop behind the wheel looks more
frightened then we are, he slams on
the gas fleeing the area. A wicked grin
crosses my face as we leave the carnage
behind us and slip into the night.

The 24th of September saw some of the
wildest street fighting that has occurred
in a summit mobilization in the US in almost a decade. What importance these
type of encounters hold is questionable.
At their worst they replicate the doomed
models of a bygone era, showing a lack
of imagination on the part of those who
organize around these events. At their
best they are spaces where a social rupture is able to occur, where larger components of a local population can participate in open conflict, with the help of
the provocations of an active minority.
It is our work to figure out how we can
expand on these one-off events creating
a wider continuity around our actions
and making them more relevant to our
daily conditions. We should also not
underestimate the internal effects that
small collective victories provide within
the war that capital and authority wage
against us everyday of our pitiful lives.
On the 24th many of us realized a
small portion of the potential we have
as a fighting force. Through the sounds
of shattering glass and the reassuring
arms of the friendly mob, we savored a
rare taste of the chaotic joy of collective
confrontation. Now that we have had
the ability to experience this forbidden
pleasure we yearn for more.

YES!
WE ARE
ADDICTED

TO

RIOTING
Fire to the Prisons-Issue 7-Riots at the G20-Pg. 59

REPRESSION

AROUND THE G20

A

lthough the arrest toll
is said to be over 190 people on day one
and two of the G20 in Pittsburgh, we only
have information on a few of the cases
that happened. We apologize again if you
were arrested during the G20, in desire of
support, and not mentioned here. Again,
please contact us so we can help spread the
word, or include you in the next issue of
the magazine.
As mentioned earlier: two individuals
were arrested during the earlier part of the
first day of the G20 for allegedly aiding in
the movement of demonstrators via twitter.
Following his arrest and release from jail, a
raid by Federal and State police forces took
place on his home in New York City. We
include a description below from conservative New York news paper “The New York
Post” describing the events. Following
this article we also include a statement that
came out from the house just a few days
after the raid. The statement includes an
email to contact for further updates and
ways to support them through this rough
situation. We send our utmost solidarity
and love to the comrades who had to courageously stand ground as it became clear
that this place of safety and comfort, no
longer was place to calmly sleep at night.

ON FBI RAID ON HOME IN
QUEENS, NYC FROM “THE
NEW YORK POST”

literature were among the dozens of items
seized Thursday at the Jackson Heights
home where Elliot Madison, 41, lives with
his wife Elena, 39.

long history of working for the People’s
Law Collective, a group he described as
providing legal representation for protesters.

Madison is free on bail after Pittsburgh
cops arrested him on Sept. 24 and charged
him with hindering prosecution, criminal
use of a communication facility and possessing criminal instruments.

In court papers, Stolar argued that the
search is illegal and asked Brooklyn federal Judge Dora Irizarry to order the return
of the property.

Police tracked Madison and another man
to a motel room at the Carefree Inn in Pittsburgh, where they discovered a makeshift
communications center, according to a
criminal complaint.
The two men were seated in front of personal computers and telecommunications
equipment, wearing headphones and microphones and surrounded by maps, contact numbers and police and EMS scanners.
Cops claim they were using Twitter to direct the movements of protesters and update them on the location and actions of
law enforcement.
The details of Madison’s recent arrest and
Thursday’s search emerged yesterday as
defense lawyer Martin Stolar asked a federal judge to stop authorities from reviewing confidential information contained in
his client’s computers.
But Assistant US Attorney Andrew Goldsmith argued that some of the items raised
alarm, including a pound of liquid mercury
in the house, alongside “books about poisons” and a microscope.

“FBI anti-terrorism agents raided the
Queens home of a self-described anarchist
charged with tweeting protesters with instructions on how to evade police at the
G-20 summit.

The feds also found metal triangles that
are used to puncture tires and two boxes of
ammunition. Goldsmith said agents left a
collection of machetes, samurai swords and
daggers at the house, because they didn’t
fall within the scope of the search warrants.

A dozen gas masks, liquid mercury, backpacks containing hammers and anarchist

Stolar said Madison and his wife have a

The judge issued a temporary order of
protection stopping the feds from going
through the material.
Neighbors said the house was swarming with agents during the 16-hour search,
while helicopters flew overhead.

STATEMENT FROM THE
TORTUGA HOUSE FOLLOWING THE RAID:
When They Kick Out Your Front Door,
How You Gonna Come?
On October 1st, 2009, at 6:00am, the Joint
Terrorism Task Force (a union of local police departments and the FBI), kicked out
the front door to our home—an anarchist
collective house in Queens, NY, affectionately known as Tortuga. The first crashes of
the battering ram were quickly followed by
more upstairs, as the police broke in on 3
sleeping people, destroying bedroom doors
that were unlocked.
Three more people, awoken by the most
unpleasant means of bounding footsteps,
splintering wood, and shouting voices,
waited in the basement—their turn at drawn
guns and blinding lights came quickly.
We put our hands out where they could see
them. They ordered us out of bed. They
wouldn’t let us dress, but they did put a
random assortment of clothes on some
people. We were handcuffed, and although
the upstairs and downstairs groups were
kept separate initially, we were soon all
Fire to the Prisons-Issue 7-Riots at the G20-Pg. 60

together, sitting in the living room,
positioned like dolls on the couches
and chairs. We were in handcuffs for
several hours, and we were helpless as
our little bird, a Finch we had rescued
and were rehabilitating, flew out the
open door to certain death, after his
cage had been battered by the cops in
their zeal to open the upstairs bedroom
doors by force. We shouted at them,
but they stood there and watched.

of “directing” the rollicking G-20
protests, of using technology such as
Twitter to “hinder apprehension” of
protesters. The two were held on bail,
one fetching the ridiculous amount of
$30,000 cash, and released 36 hours
later after the bond was posted. As of
this moment, no additional charges
have been levied against the two, nor
against any other housemates in the aftermath of the raid.

And they stood and watched us for
hours and hours and hours. 16 hours
to be precise, 16 hours of the NYPD
and FBI traipsing through our house,
confiscating our lives in a fishing expedition related to the G20 protests of
September 24th and 25th. The search
warrant, when we were finally allowed to read it, mentioned violation
of federal rioting laws and was vague
enough to allow the entire house to
be searched. They kept repeating that
we were not arrested, that we were
free to go. But being free meant being watched by the FBI, monitored
while using the bathroom, not allowed
to make phone calls for hours or to
observe them ransacking our rooms.
Being free meant they took two of us
away on bullshit summonses, and even
though this was our house, where we
lived, if we left, we could not re-enter.

As anarchists, we are under no illusions about what the State is capable
of. We are not the first anarchists to
have our house raided, and unfortunately as long as the State remains, we
will not be the last. We are, along with
other targeted individuals like David
Japenga, the outlets for the impotent
rage the authorities feel when they lose
control, as they did during the G-20 in
Pittsburgh. We, that beautiful we, that
include Tortuga House and all who
find affinity with us, refuse the rigid
forms the authorities try and cram a
world bursting with infinite possibilities into—He is not a leader, she did
not act alone, they are not being directed. Repression is a strategy that
the state uses to put us on the defensive, to divert our energies from being
a proactive force and instead deal with
the terms it has set. We will not lie and
say this has not left us reeling, but as
time and our dizziness pass, we know
that friends surround us. Our resolve is
strengthened by this solidarity, and we
will not be deterred by this state aggression.

Three of us stayed to the bitter end.
Three of us stayed to watch the hazmat
team come in to investigate a child’s
chemistry set, to see them search the
garage on an additional warrant, to
sign vouchers for all the things they
confiscated as “evidence”—Curious George plush toys, artwork, correspondence with political prisoner
Daniel McGowan, birth certificates,
passports, the entire video archive of
a local media collective, tax records,
books, computers, storage devices,
cell phones, Buffy the Vampire Slayer
DVDs, flags, banners, posters, photographs and more than can be recounted
here.
The apparent impetus for this raid
came over a week ago, when two
members of our household were arrested, once again at gunpoint, in the
suburbs of Pittsburgh. They are accused of being devious masterminds,

We wish to thank all of our friends
and comrades who have stood by us
in these difficult few days. Our lawyer filed an injunction on the raid the
next morning (October 2nd) that was
surprisingly granted- it forbids the authorities from fishing through our belongings until we head back to court
on the 16th. In the weeks and months
to come we will do our best to share
developments as they occur.
IF YOU WANT TO KEEP
IN TOUCH OR FIND OUT
HOW YOU CAN HELP
PLEASE EMAIL US AT:
tortugadefense@gmail.com

STATE
OPPORTUNISM
AND DAVID
JAPENGA
Not even going to the G20 you can tell through pictures or video footage that destruction was a collective project at the G20, not isolated to one super
hero of attack. Whether or not most people’s faces
are covered, or most people are wearing the same
clothes, there are obvious bodily distinctions that
would contradict an allegation like this. But as the
state always does, they have found an opportunity
to intimidate, or make an example of someone. As
they failed to retain social peace, the embarrassment
must be resolved, apparently David was chosen to
be the scapegoat. Apparently, the police claim that
David broke over 20 store front windows, claiming
$15,440 dollars in damage committed on the first
day of the G20. Obviously such allegations are ridiculous, and assuming they were looking for someone to scapegoat, David refusing to give his name
when arrested, then giving a false name, may have
annoyed them enough to choose him. Of the over
190 people said to be arrested, David was held the
longest. Below is a public statement providing the
most up to date information on his case:
“David Japenga is a Pittsburgh resident who was arrested the night of September 24th during the antiG20 demonstrations. He is being held on $15,000
straight bail on felony property destruction charges.
The police and media are calling him a “one man
wrecking crew,” trying to pin over $20,000 in damages at Citizens Bank alone and most of the $50,000
worth of damage done during the entire week. The
police are trying to cover themselves for their embarrassing inability to control the two days of the
Summit. Japenga was charged with Felony Criminal
Mischief in the third degree, two counts of Criminal
Mischief in the second degree, Possessing Instruments of a Crime, and Providing False Identification to a Law Enforcement Officer. A sixth charge,
Conspiracy to Commit Criminal Mischief, was added for his preliminary hearing but was dropped as
quickly as it was added.
Originally, David was held on $5,000 bail. However, his bail was revoked an hour after his arraignment when the District Attorney mistakenly believed he had warrants out for his arrest. At David’s
September 30th bail hearing, the judge and the DA
took cheap shots at Japenga’s character while going over his arrest record, last known addresses and
a few news articles from the internet. His bail was
raised to $15,000 straight, despite the fact the initial
concern for it’s revocation was cleared up.
Fire to the Prisons-Issue 7-Riots at the G20-Pg. 61

David’s friends raised the $15,000 within
12 hours of his Bail Hearing and posted it a
few days later while securing an apartment
for him. He is expected to be released soon.
Unfortunately, funds are still needed for his
lawyer and other legal fees.”
TO SEND MONEY THROUGH PAYPAL, SEND IT TO
antiracistactionstore@gmail.com
THE FREE DAVID
JAPENGA SUPPORT COMMITTEE
freedavidjapenga@hush
mail.com
myspace.com/freedavi
djapenga

STAY UPDATED
Refer to the following web-sites for information on other cases not mentioned, or
updates on what we have mentioned as it
unfolds.
www.breakthechains.info
www.anarchistnews.org
www.infoshop.org

“CAN’T
STOP
THE
CHAOS”

-Anonymous Post on “Anarchist News” Blog the first day of
the G20

WE

ARE
ADDICTED

TO

RIOTING
Fire to the Prisons-Issue 7-Riots at the G20-Pg. 62

The Summer Anarchy Died

I

n the summer of 2009, Anarchy died. The cause of death;
euthanasia. It suffered so long... Ten years... A damn decade...
It lived -if you could call that “living”-, hobbling around from
summit to summit, groping into the dark for dignity and security
fences; a disfigured orphan in a parentless land. At least now, it’s
out of its misery... And so, can you really blame it for taking its
own life? That poor deformed baby, born on those misty Seattle
streets in ‘99, it never had anything resembling a chance. In the
light, you saw it and cringed... It then swiftly retreated back into
the shadows ashamed of its looks... The poor thing... That little
miserable creature could never grow like movements ought to
grow; it just couldn’t overcome the defects that plagued it since
birth.
If you think about it, the only thing more pitiful than a failed
suicide attempt is something horrible like a baby getting a dead
Fire to the Prisons-Issue 7-The Summer Anarchy Died-Pg. 63

puppy for Christmas. At least now with
this analogy, we can better understand the
events of May 28th-31st, 2009, when liberals, ie left-wing capitalists, masquerading
as revolutionaries, disrupted an action at
the Bash Back conference. Pacifism, the
capitalist ideology of peace, a defective
gene inherited from Anarchy’s illegitimate
parents, the worst elements of the ‘60’s
movement, again showed itself for what
it is on those barricaded Chicago avenues
when its proponents became complicit with
the police and dismantled the roadblocks.
That is, it showed itself clearly as an integral part of the dominant system: an agent
of the state. An unsuccessful attempt at
Anarchy’s own life left its maimed body
to drag on a few months longer, more deformed and more disfigured.
Failing to constitute itself as a social force,
Anarchy was at least determined to succeed
at Hari Kari. At the Crimethinc Convergence in Pittsburgh On July 25, 2009, it
did what it set out to do, finally it was over,
and Anarchy breathed its final breaths. On
that fatal day, a group of nationalists claiming to be a part of the Anarchist People of
Color disrupted and shutdown the conference which hosted an irrelevant melange of
workshops from The Carnival of Solidarity: Tapping into the Radical Potential of
New Orleans Mardi Gras to Musical Instrument Skill share and Construction. If this
scenario isn’t funny enough, The disrupters’ pitiful communique they released afterwards, “Smack a White Boy Part Two,”
may be the only claim for responsibility in
which its writers describe how one of the
actors is thrown down a flight of stairs in
the action, leaving the reader to wonder if
we are supposed to feel sorry for the human
nerf ball. Of course, the correct response is
to laugh at how silly the politics of the oppressed are in America. And then there are
the memorable quotes from the disgruntled
attendants of the convergence like “if you
touch the puppets, I’ll fight you.” As you
can see, revolutionary principles and priorities were in perfect comedic order at
the event, especially when considering that
today’s anarchist feels incomplete without
their colorful hand-sock and homemade
banjo. The coroner, with assurance, concluded that ridiculousness was the instrument of death that killed Anarchy. The
tombstone reads “irrelevant.”
“What drove the ‘movement’ to this comi-

cally miserable end” is the question that
juts to the front of the queue. Yet the storm
of texts that respond to the fiasco in Pittsburgh neglect the primary question at hand,
and instead, point fingers or engage in vapid debate the issues -which are never really the issues- or discuss both sides’ motives
and arguments. To really get to the foundation of the problem, that is to truly consider how Anarchy sank to such a low that
the news of the month was a bunch of kids
whining at each other in a smelly building,
it’s necessary to realize that the argument
between the viewpoints are framed by opposition between political -”political” as a
pejorative- cartels. What actually unfolded
on the day of the suicide was a confrontation between two political rackets: two leftwing capitalist factions warring for social
surplus value in a degenerated milieu. The
accompanying literature makes this abundantly clear especially when one notices
that no position on the situation is argued
for with hopes that it will clarify a method
to move the world closer to revolutionary
transformation. Since, what is not revolutionary is necessarily complicit with the
existent and is therefore capitalist, it also
follows that the clash between the opposing
parties is nothing less than a battle between
materialized ideologies.
For example, “The Smack a White Boy
Part Two” never once mentions revolution.
It’s as though revolution wasn’t even on
its writers’ minds. An observation painfully elucidated upon reading the text and
through dissecting its anti-colonialization
rhetoric will reveal that the sole aim of the
group was to evict white people from a
poor black neighborhood. The White Boy
Smackers seem to want to preserve something within black neighborhoods from being tainted by white anarchists, but what do
they want to safeguard? Are poverty, drugabuse, misery, or maybe even the rampant
high-blood pressure that plagues black
America something worth defending? The
Smackers call for a return to good old days
of White Flight, just this time in anti-oppression speak, which will obviously leave
the black ghettos in America in the same
horrible conditions they have always been
in, just anew without white faces. Certainty, the re-establishment of an all black
ghetto strikes no fear into the heart of power, and instead it likely furthers its project.
Thus so called “resistance” has become
blind to its own furtherance of the system it

purports to critique and dismantle.
In the rebuttal text by “Crimethinc, Privileged, Identity, and Conflict at the 2009
Crimethinc Convergence” has a far more
democratic -”democratic” as a pejorativeand contemporary vision than the Smackers and is searching for “possibilities for
radical communities to exist of mixed
race & class.” This dream is perfect for
any bourgeoisie urban planner designing
an ideal city where diversity and respect
flourish and a disturbing nightmare for the
revolutionary who should surely recognize the horrid exploitation churning under
these sorts of capitalist utopias. The tolerant image of a mixed race community, fed
to us on television commercials with token
people of color smiling in their pre-set
roles, is the new face of the dominant order
equipped with black presidents and female
dictators. Revolution is certainly not the
perfection of racial diversity but the complete destruction of the separation imposed
by any racial and cultural barriers. Most
importantly, revolutionaries do not aim to
create a mixed class community but our
mission is to eradicate class in total. The
intermingling and cohabitation of classes
is by far the most explicitly reformist, and
thus capitalist, goal imaginable. As long as
classes exists there will be a war, the revolutionary desires to furthers this civil war,
and the revolution itself is our victory in
which all social classes are annihilated.
The political motives driving both factions have their roots in contradictions -the
previously mentioned birth defects- that
have dogged anarchism since its rebirth in
the late ‘90s. Any legitimacy ascertained
from the recent anarchist sequence, beginning at the end of the last decade, that did
so much to rekindle revolutionary thought
and action must nonetheless be confided
only when taking into account the statist
essences that lurked under seemingly radical appearances. This summer, these contradictions finally boiled to the top of the
pot and, at the same time, froze any possible furtherance of the sequence.
Take for example, the first APOC conference in 2003 attended by a hundred something people with likely genuine liberatory
intentions. Nevertheless, APOC’s “need to
organize independently and as a movement
uniting people of color” is the result of social movement forced backwards. A clear

Fire to the Prisons-Issue 7-The Summer Anarchy Died-Pg. 64

picture of the genuine social movements that appeared in the 1960s
will show that people of color and
their struggles were in no way isolated from the activity of whites’
struggles going on at the same
time. Its the picture of the militant
-”militant” as a pejorative- separatist Leninist groups calling for
nationalist armed struggle that upholds a falsified counter image. In
fact, it is the failure of the different
social forces of the era to fuse into
full revolutionary action that forced
back separations into categories.
The dominant order feeds on these
divisions and is more than happy
with the creation of black communities from the petite-bourgeoisie
suburbs of Atlanta to ghettos of the
Southside of Chicago. These separations are the statist essence that
remained hidden under the APOC
project which recently appeared at
the Crimethinc convention without
its progressive mask on revealing
the unmitigated nationalist and
separatist politics.
Similarly, Crimethinc’s significant
contribution to the sequence was
the reintroduction of the situationist critique of everyday life into the
anarchist sequence but they never
surpassed the democratic self-management tendency that was also the
shortcoming of the situationists.
The lifestylist criticisms constantly
lodged at Crimethinc are updated
versions of the councilist democracy criticisms correctly pointed at
the situationsts. Now at the death
of anarchism or the termination of
the sequence, the shortcomings of
both Crimethinc and APOC take
on roles of their own, well outside the original conception, and
solidify as institutions compatible
with the existing order. The new
green capitalist regime of accumulation fits all too neatly with Crimethinc’s DIY ethic and the mass
of ex-APOCers that have defected
from their revolutionary past into
the world of the non-profit industry
are testament to the contradictions
integration into the state apparatus.

“ANARCHISM IS
NOT A BEAUTI
FUL UTOPIA, NOR
AN
ABSTRACT
PHILOSOPHICAL
IDEA, IT IS A SO
CIAL MOVEMENT
OF THE LABOUR
ING MASSES.”
						

– Dyelo Truda Group

POST-SCRIPT
Despite what I said earlier solely for the sake of an opening metaphor, the anarchist
movement did not begin in Seattle in ‘99. It was born again in the late ‘90s after
roughly two decades of counter-revolution and before that had been reborn and
killed several times throughout the prior century. The continuity of the history of
the revolutionary movement is the history of the discontinuity of that movement.
The movement is untidy, disrespectful, and willing to pounce on frozen sequences
becoming unified with the existent. The movement, the force that abolishes the
state of things, is built upon the continuity of destruction, of overcoming even the
stagnant visions of our prior struggles. It enables us to the think the future, because
in the present the movement exists as practical task for revolution. The task for
revolution is the need, to capture life and wherever and whenever there is an effort
to fulfill this need the movement is again conceived.

Fire to the Prisons-Issue 7-The Summer Anarchy Died-Pg. 65

MANAGERS OR
MARAUDERS OF
THE DESERT?
												

BY CRUDO

M

any within the
current revolutionary movement have
known activism. The specialized role
in society that creates managers of
social change. Many of us became
radicalized through being involved in
leftist political parties, animal rights
activism, doing vegan outreach,
working for labor unions, and holding jobs canvassing for NGOs and
non-profits. Often, we were drawn to
these forms due to a moral sense that
“something should be done” around a
certain issue. Galvanized into action,
we often became involved in the only
forms of organization available, that
of the reformist activist left. Since
revolutionary ideas are often hard to
come across in this society; many of
us had to come to our present consciousness after first seeing the limit
of spending so much time organizing against the new circus coming to
town, handing out ‘Why Vegan’ pamphlets, or logging in the hours for the
union or non-profit that we worked
for. As we spent more time in these
movements, our eyes became open to
the poverty of these types of action.
We came to see that these activist
projects did nothing to end exploitation and misery; they only sought to
better manage it.
We saw these forms be further recuperated back into capitalism; as we
labored long hours canvassing for
Greenpeace for shit wages, expanding the vegan capitalist market, or
buying into anarchist bike culture.
Thus, our desire for the total destruction of the social relations of capitalist
civilization came to also encapsulate
activism as well. We started to desire
a total rupture with class society; not
just establish an identity as an “activist” that was outside of the rest of the
population which was “passive.” We
reject this identity; we became not interested in finding ourselves through
stickers on our metal water bottles
and how many meetings we went to
a month. Instead, we began to desire

to become a physical force against
the material conditions which exploit
and coerce all our lives. We began
to see that the issues, were not the
issue at all. The solutions, were not
the solution. We began to become not
interested in the baby steps and progress that this democracy offered us,
as we saw that within the social war
that is class society, there exists tensions that we hope to push into open
rupture with Capital. We do not wish
to be managers of the desert which is
this society. We do not want it to operate better; be reformed, or changed.
This society does not ‘progress.’ The
Marxist notion that we are marching
to the end of history, even if slowly,
and the liberal notion that things have
been made better over the years, is
false. Capital obeys no master but it’s
own will. We which to destroy it and
find the oasis that exists beneath it
and in the moments when we engage
in conflict.
But, many of us moved simply from
leftist and reformist activism simply
into anarchist styled activism. Often,
these were the only things when we
were younger that we believed that
we could do “as anarchists.” Many
will often state that these are some
of the only projects that are successful in bringing new people in our
movement. We disagree. We desire
a new way to find comrades within
the desert, as opposed to waiting for
those involved in activism to trickle
towards us after they are fed up of the
bullshit. We want to find those who
are faced with similar conditions and
wish to fight against them. We are not
removed from the exploited. We too
are forced to sell our labor power for
wages in order to survive. We pay for
rent in order to have a place to live.
Our lives our organized, controlled,
and directed by those who wish to
capitalize off our labor power. We
are among those who are broken
apart by the color of our skin, what
lies between our legs, and our sexual
desires. Our desire to destroy class
society includes a desire to find comrades which share our passion for the
power to control our own lives. Activism is not a vehicle for this; it is

an alienated means to better manage
an alienated society. We need to find
ways in which to find comrades in
which we can engage in class conflict
with; worlds that build our autonomy
and power outside of this system.
Thus, we are not interested in the
latest anarchist meme project. We are
not interested in the newest form of
anarcho-activism. We do not wish
to create activist projects. We want
power. We want to hit back. We want
insurrection. The task lays before
us to create ways to find comrades
outside of alienated activist means.
We need to exist in the spaces that
are not sub-cultural; we need to exist in the spaces were people already
gather and exist where they feel the
tight grip of class society. We need
forms of communication that speak
to those who could become our comrades; not those in the same ghetto
as us. We need projects which speak
to the conditions we are faced with;
and gestures of revolutionary solidarity which give teeth to the rejection
of those conditions. This is why a
project like Fire to the Prisons is important; this is why it exists. To give
confidence to those element in this society which push for insurrection and
revolt; either conscious of it or not.
To make those elements more precise and anti-political; to generalize
them across all territory for the sake
of intensifying our resistance. To put
a rock in the hand of everyone who
is ready to throw it and a magazine
in the hand of every prisoner who is
ready to discover it. This magazine is
part of a movement that will usher in
the creation of something new; something that has not been done before.
This magazine is apart of the rebirth
of anarchy as a movement that attacks and destroys class society; not
seeks to better manage or reform it.

NOTE:
This article was originally used as a
review of this magazine for a college
paper.

Fire to the Prisons-Issue 7-Managers of Marauders of the desert?-Pg. 67

WORK
IS

DEAD
LABOR
Fire to the Prisons-Issue 7-WORK-Pg. 68

*WORK

–noun
4.employment, as in some form of industry, esp. as a
means of earning one’s livelihood: to look for work.
5.one’s place of employment: Don’t phone him at work.

W

ork is a context in conflict with
life. It is a period of our lives where
we do not exist. We compromise our
livelihood for the promise of future
livelihood, while preserving the well
being of another’s livelihood in exchange for means of survival.

more entitled to it.
Work cannot be made better, it can
only be destroyed.

Doing something you like?
Higher wages?
Nicer work conditions?
Health Benefits?
Although these things might make
work more tolerable; are our lives
something we really need to tolerate?

The workplace must be destroyed,
never re-furnished. The workplace is
not a place, it is a dynamic, a victimizing context that severs us from ever
taking care of ourselves, or living full
priceless lives. The economy sustains us; not the land, each other, or
our labor. We are fed by the bosses
that make us starve, not by the hands
attached to our own arms, or the people we hold dear in our own lives.

Is tolerance or compromise as attractive as passion or embrace?

Life is not something to be earned,
it is us, it is always there.

Work is to not sincerely produce;
it is a moment of dead labor. Work
is only work in a stratified society
where some have more then others.
Work is only possible in a world that
celebrates inadequacy and division,
and mourns directness and intimacy
by forcing individuals to depend on
central forces, like industry for material substance, or the government for
our communication, or culture for our
understanding. Work is only work in
a stratified society where some have
more then others. To work is to lose
our time and energy to save the time
and energy of another claimed to be

The medium that forces us to earn a
life is called capital. The forced contract is capital.
For us to achieve a livelihood, we
must embrace the realization that in
every moment there is a choice, we
can either live it, or we can survive it.

Fire to the Prisons-Issue 7-WORK-Pg. 69

SHOUT
OUTS

Fire to the Prisons-Issue 7-Shot Outs-Pg. 70

A FEW GOOD BOOKS

PUBLISHERS

ANYTHING CAN HAPPEN
By Fredy Perlman
Available in book format from Red and Black Press.

SOCIETY OF THE SPECTACLE
By Guy Debord
Available in most bookstores.

THE COMING INSURRECTION
By the Invisible Committee
AVailable in book format or online at: www.tarnac9.wordpress.
com/texts/the-coming-insurrection

AT DAGGERS DRAWN
Available from Eberhardt Press.

FIRE TO THE PRISONS
www.firetotheprisons.com

HALIFAX ANARCHIST DISTRO
www.myspace.com/dissenthalifax

MODESTO ANARCHO
www.modestoanarcho.org

WARRIOR PUBLICATIONS
www.warriorpublications.com

LITTLE BLACK CART
www.littleblackcart.com

INSTITUTE FOR EXPERIMENTAL
FREEDOM
www.it-est-futurum.blogspot.com

325 MAGAZINE
www.325.nostate.net

EBERHARDT PRESS
www.eberhardtpress.org

BLACK POWDER PRESS
www.blackpowderpress.com

COOL INFO

AMOR Y RESISTENCIA
www.amoryresistencia.blogspot.com

ANARCHIST NEWS
www.anarchistnews.org

BASH BACK!
www.bashbacknews.word
press.com

SECURITY, PRIVACY, & ANONYMITY
www.security.resist.ca

FIRES NEVER EXTINGUISHED
www.firesneverextinguished.blogspot.com
LIBCOM
www.libcom.org
DIRECT ACTION IN GERMANY
www.directactionde.blogspot.com
SOCIAL WAR IN GREECE
www.greeceriots.blogspot.com
PROLE
www.prole.info
SITUATIONIST ARCHIVE
www.nothingness.org/si
ANTI-POLITICS ZINE LIBRARY
www.anti-politics.net/distro
BUREAU OF PUBLIC SECRETS
www.bopsecrets.org

SECURITY AND COUNTER-SURVEILLANCE
www.anti-politics.net/distro/2009/warriorsecurityread.pdf
MIDNIGHT SPECIAL LAW COLLECTIVE
www.midnightspecial.net
CIVIL LIBERTIES DEFENSE CENTER
www.cldc.org
INTERCONTINENTAL CRY
www.intercontinentalcry.org
SURVIVAL INTERNATIONAL;
THE MOVEMENT FOR TRIBAL PEOPLE’S
www.survival-international.org
NO 2010; Olympics on Stolen Land!
www.no2010.com
Native Youth Media/Redwire Magazine
www.redwiremag.com

ZINE LIBRARY
www.zinelibrary.net

Fire to the Prisons-Issue 7-Shot Outs-Pg. 71

“ON THE ONE HAND THERE
IS THE PATH THAT LEADS TO
THE INSTITUTIONS, ON THE
OTHER, THE WAY TO THE
STREETS.
THESE PATHS
CANNOT CO-EXIST.”

NOW
WHAT?

ALL
THINGS
CONSID
ERED
/
IT
MUST
BE
DEST
ROYED