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Homicide in the U.S. Known to Law Enforcement BJS 2011

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U.S. Department of Justice
Office of Justice Programs
Bureau of Justice Statistics

DECEMBER 2013, NCJ 243035

P at terns & T rends

Homicide in the U.S. Known to
Law Enforcement, 2011
Erica L. Smith and Alexia Cooper, Ph.D., BJS Statisticians

I

n 2011, an estimated 14,610 persons were
victims of homicide in the United States,
according to FBI data on homicides known to
state and local law enforcement (figure 1). This is
the lowest number of homicide victims since 1968,
and marks the fifth consecutive year of decline.
The homicide rate in 2011 was 4.7 homicides per
100,000 persons, the lowest level since 1963. This
homicide rate was also 54% below its peak of
10.2 per 100,000 persons in 1980 and 17% below
the rate in 2002 (5.6 homicides per 100,000).

Highlights
„„ The U.S. homicide rate declined by nearly half (49%), from

9.3 homicides per 100,000 U.S. residents in 1992 to 4.7 in 2011,
falling to the lowest level since 1963.
„„ From 2002 to 2011, the average homicide rate for males was

3.6 times higher than the rate for females. The average homicide
rate for blacks was 6.3 times higher than the rate for whites.
„„ From 2002 to 2011, young adults ages 18 to 24 had the highest

homicide rate of any age group and experienced the greatest
rate decline (down 22%) over the 10-year period, from 15.2 per
100,000 in 2002 to 11.9 in 2011.

These findings are based on analyses conducted
by the Bureau of Justice Statistics (BJS) using data
from the FBI’s Supplementary Homicide Reports
(SHR). The SHR collects detailed information
on each homicide reported to state and local
law enforcement in the United States, including
victim and suspected offender demographic
characteristics, the type of weapon used during
the incident, and the number of victims killed
during the incident. This report describes
homicides known to law enforcement in 2011,
the most recent year for which detailed data are
available, and examines homicide trends from
1992 to 2011, with selected findings from 1960.

„„ The rate of homicides involving a firearm decreased by 49% from

1992 to 2011, while the percentage of homicide victims killed by
a firearm (67%) remained stable.
„„ Large cities of 100,000 or more residents experienced the largest

decline (23%) in homicide rates from 2002 to 2011, compared to
communities with less than 100,000 residents.
„„ From 2002 to 2011, the majority (95%) of homicide incidents

involved a single victim. In 2011, 66% of homicides with a single
victim involved a firearm, compared to 79% of homicide incidents
with multiple victims.

Figure 1
Number and rate of homicides in the U.S., 1960–2011
Number

Rate per 100,000 U.S. residents

Rate

25,000

15

20,000

12

15,000

9

10,000

6

5,000

3

0

1960

1965

1970

1975

1980

1985

Note: Includes murder and nonnegligent manslaughter only.
Source: Federal Bureau of Investigation, Uniform Crime Reporting Program, 1960–2011.

1990

1995

2000

2005

2010

0

BJS

P at terns & T rends
Two national sources of homicide data: the FBI’s Supplementary Homicide
Reports (SHR) and the Centers for Disease Control and Prevention’s (CDC)
National Vital Statistics System (NVSS)
National estimates of the annual number of homicides
known to law enforcement in the United States found
in this report are derived from data submitted to the
FBI’s Uniform Crime Reporting (UCR) Program.1 In
2011, more than 18,000 law enforcement agencies
voluntarily submitted annual summary counts of crimes
brought to their attention that year. More detailed
information specifically on homicides is collected by
the FBI through the Supplementary Homicide Reports
(SHR), which is part of the UCR. Instead of a summary
count of homicides, participating law enforcement
agencies provide information on the sex, age, and race
of homicide victims and offenders, as well as other
incident- and victim-specific characteristics, such as
the victim-offender relationship, weapon use, and
circumstance of the crime.
The SHR captures only information on criminal homicide
incidents known and handled by state and local law
enforcement that occur in the United States, including
homicides involving victims who were not U.S. residents.
Homicides of U.S. residents that occur outside of
the United States and homicides handled by federal
law enforcement are not included in the SHR data.
Homicides that are classified as negligent or involuntary
are also not included in the SHR. In this analysis of the
SHR data, homicide is defined as homicides known
to law enforcement that were classified as murder
or nonnegligent manslaughter. In the SHR, the
determination that a crime was a homicide is made
solely based on police investigation, and is not the result
of the decision of a court, medical examiner, coroner,
jury, or other non-law enforcement entity.

A second source of national data on homicide is the
National Vital Statistics System (NVSS), a data collection
administered by the National Center for Health Statistics
(NCHS), a division of the Centers for Disease Control
and Prevention (CDC). Data collected through the NVSS
provide information on the number of injury-related
deaths and the death rate for U.S. residents, as well as
demographic information about the victims. These
data are based on death certificates filed with state
vital-statistics offices in the 50 states and the District of
Columbia that include primary cause of death.
Cause of death is coded using the International Statistical
Classification of Diseases and Related Health Problems,
10th Revision (ICD-10). The definition of homicide used
in the ICD-10 is “injuries inflicted by another person with
intent to injure or kill, by any means.” In the NVSS, the
determination that a death was a homicide is made by
the physician, medical examiner, or coroner responsible
for certifying the death certificate. In the calculation of
the homicide rate, the NVSS does not include homicides
resulting from legal intervention and operations of
war. However, the NVSS does include deaths resulting
from assault that occurred one year or more after the
originating event. For more information, see the online
version of the ICD-10, available from the World Health
Organization at http://www.who.int/classifications/icd/
icdonlineversions/en/.

(Continued on next page.)

1For

more information on the FBI’s UCR, see www.fbi.gov/about-us/
cjis/ucr/ucr.

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P at terns & T rends
Two national sources of homicide data: the FBI’s Supplementary Homicide
Reports (SHR) and the Centers for Disease Control and Prevention’s (CDC)
National Vital Statistics System (NVSS)
Of the two sources, NVSS data estimate a higher annual
number of homicides. Over the 20-year period from 1992
to 2011, the NVSS count of homicides was consistently
higher than the homicide count estimated from SHR data
(figure 2). The NVSS average annual estimate was about
1,255 homicides higher than the SHR annual estimate.
Similarly, the average homicide rate based on the NVSS
was 0.4 homicides per 100,000 persons higher than the
homicide rate based on the SHR (figure 3). Despite these
differences, the two sources show very similar trends
for the number and rate of homicides over the most
recent 10-year period. From 2002 to 2011, both the NVSS
and the SHR reported a 10% decrease in the number of
homicides and a 17% decline in the homicide rate.

Figure 2
Number of homicides in the SHR and NVSS, 1992–2011
Number
30,000
NVSS
SHR

25,000

Figure 3
Homicide rates in the SHR and NVSS, 1992–2011
Rate per 100,000 population
12
10
8
NVSS

6

SHR

4
2
0

1992

1997

2002

2007

2011

Note: Preliminary CDC homicide estimates for 2011 retrieved from Hoyert,
D.L. & Xu, J.Q. (2012), Deaths: Preliminary data for 2011, National Vital
Statistics Reports, 61(6).
Sources: Supplementary Homicide Reports, 1992–2011; and Centers for
Disease Control and Prevention, National Center for Injury Prevention
and Control, Web-based Injury Statistics Query and Reporting System
(WISQARS), 1993–2010. Retrieved September 2013 from www.cdc.gov/
ncipc/wisqars.

20,000
15,000
10,000
5,000
0

1992

1997

2002

2007

2011

Note: Preliminary CDC homicide estimates for 2011 retrieved from Hoyert,
D.L. & Xu, J.Q. (2012), Deaths: Preliminary data for 2011, National Vital
Statistics Reports, 61(6).
Sources: Supplementary Homicide Reports, 1992–2011; and Centers for
Disease Control and Prevention, National Center for Injury Prevention
and Control, Web-based Injury Statistics Query and Reporting System
(WISQARS), 1993–2010. Retrieved September 2013 from www.cdc.gov/
ncipc/wisqars.

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P at terns & T rends
The U.S. homicide rate declined by nearly half
(49%) from 1992 to 2011
Over the 20-year period from 1992 to 2011, the rate of
homicide in the United States declined by 49%, from
9.3 homicides per 100,000 residents in 1992 to 4.7 in 2011
(figure 4). The decline in the homicide rate was higher
during the 10-year period from 1992 to 2001 (down 39%)
than from 2002 to 2011 (down 17%).

Rate per 100,000 U.S. residents
Male

14
12
10

Total

8
6
4

Female

2
0

1992

1996

2000

The homicide rate in 2011 was highest among
males, blacks, and young adults
In 2011, the murder rate for males was 7.4 homicides per
100,000 males, or an estimated 11,370 male homicide
victims (table 1). The murder rate for females in 2011 was
2.0 homicides per 100,000 females, or about 3,240 female
homicide victims. From 2002 to 2011, the homicide rate
among males declined by 16%, while the rate for females
decreased by 20%.

Figure 4
Homicide rates, by sex, 1992–2011
16

On average, the homicide rate for males was 3.6 times higher
than the homicide rate for females, from 1992 to 2011. Both
sexes experienced similar declines in their overall rates of
homicide during the 20-year period. From 1992 to 2011,
the murder rate declined by half for both males (50%) and
females (49%).

2004

2008

2011

Source: Bureau of Justice Statistics, based on data the from FBI,
Supplementary Homicide Reports, 1992–2011.

From 2002 to 2011, the homicide rate for blacks was
6.3 times higher than the rate for whites. Over this
10-year period, the homicide rate among whites decreased
by 17%, from 3.3 homicides per 100,000 in 2002 to 2.8 in
2011. Similarly, the homicide rate among blacks declined
by 19%, from 21.2 per 100,000 in 2002 to 17.3 in 2011.
The homicide rate for persons of other races—persons
identified as American Indian, Alaska Native, Asian,
Native Hawaiian, or other Pacific Islander—experienced
the greatest decline (down 33%), from 2.7 homicides per
100,000 persons in 2002 to 1.8 in 2011.

Table 1
Number and rate of homicides in the U.S., by victim demographic characteristics, 2002–2011
Sex
Year
All victims
Number of homicides
2002
16,230
2003
16,530
2004
16,150
2005
16,740
2006
17,310
2007
17,130
2008
16,465
2009
15,400
2010
14,720
2011
14,610
Rate per 100,000
U.S. residents
2002
5.6
2003
5.7
2004
5.5
2005
5.7
2006
5.8
2007
5.7
2008
5.4
2009
5.0
2010
4.8
2011
4.7

Male

Female

Race
Black/African
White American
Other*

12,475
12,835
12,600
13,180
13,655
13,460
12,900
11,880
11,410
11,370

3,755
3,690
3,550
3,560
3,655
3,665
3,565
3,520
3,315
3,240

7,805
7,985
7,980
8,050
8,135
8,110
8,020
7,485
6,885
6,830

7,990
8,080
7,755
8,255
8,710
8,610
8,070
7,495
7,450
7,380

435
465
415
435
460
405
375
425
385
400

8.8
9.0
8.7
9.1
9.3
9.1
8.6
7.8
7.5
7.4

2.6
2.5
2.4
2.4
2.4
2.4
2.3
2.3
2.1
2.0

3.3
3.4
3.4
3.4
3.4
3.3
3.3
3.0
2.8
2.8

21.2
21.2
20.1
21.2
22.1
21.5
19.9
18.3
17.7
17.3

2.7
2.9
2.5
2.5
2.6
2.2
2.0
2.2
1.8
1.8

Age
11 or
younger

12–17 18–24 25–34 35–49 50–64

65 or
older

790
790
765
745
780
800
810
730
710
740

825
785
860
925
1,035
1,035
955
840
770
665

4,345
4,510
4,165
4,405
4,615
4,485
4,065
3,840
3,655
3,680

4,305
4,375
4,295
4,480
4,545
4,570
4,445
3,975
4,025
3,850

3,875
3,890
3,800
3,880
3,920
3,875
3,745
3,590
3,200
3,260

1,365
1,425
1,510
1,560
1,755
1,680
1,705
1,685
1,700
1,710

720
750
755
740
660
675
745
745
665
700

1.6
1.6
1.6
1.5
1.6
1.6
1.6
1.5
1.4
1.5

3.3
3.1
3.4
3.6
4.1
4.1
3.8
3.4
3.0
2.7

15.2
15.6
14.2
14.9
15.5
15.0
13.4
12.5
11.9
11.9

10.9
11.1
10.9
11.3
11.4
11.4
10.9
9.6
9.8
9.2

5.9
5.9
5.8
5.9
6.0
5.9
5.8
5.6
5.0
5.2

3.0
3.0
3.1
3.1
3.4
3.1
3.1
3.0
2.9
2.8

2.0
2.1
2.1
2.0
1.8
1.8
1.9
1.9
1.6
1.7

Note: Data may not sum to total due to rounding. Counts rounded to the nearest 5. Homicide rates by Hispanic or Latino origin were not calculated due to missing
data on ethnicity. See Methodology.
*Includes persons identified as American Indian, Alaska Native, Asian, Native Hawaiian, or other Pacific Islander.
Source: Bureau of Justice Statistics, based on data from the FBI, Supplementary Homicide Reports, 2002–2011.

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In 2011, age 30 was the median age of homicide victims,
(i.e., half of all murder victims were age 30 or younger
and half were age 30 or older). From 2002 to 2011,
young adults ages 18 to 24 had the highest homicide
rate of any age group. Young adults also experienced the
largest homicide rate decline (down 22%), from 15.2 per
100,000 in 2002 to 11.9 in 2011. Persons age 65 or older
(down 17%) and youth ages 12 to 17 (down 19%) also
experienced large declines in their homicide rates from
2002 to 2011.

The peak homicide victimization rate for black
males was nearly 9 times higher than the peak
rate for white males
The homicide rate was analyzed by age for white males,
black males, white females, and black females to examine
differences in the rates by age for those demographic
groups. To achieve a sufficient number of cases to
support this analysis, homicide and population data were
aggregated across the 10-year period from 2002 to 2011.
The magnitude of the homicide rate for males varied by age
and race, although the patterns by age among black and
white males were similar (figure 5). For example, males
under age 15 experienced the highest rate of homicide
during the first year of life, regardless of race. During the
10-year period from 2002 to 2011, the average homicide
rate for white males under age 1 was 5.1 homicides per
100,000, compared to 12.5 per 100,000 for black males
younger than age 1.

The homicide victimization rate for both white and black
males increased after age 14 and into the early 20s, although
with dramatically different trajectories. The homicide
rate for white males peaked at age 20 (11.4 homicides per
100,000 white males), while the homicide rate for black
males peaked at age 23 (100.3 homicides per 100,000 black
males). The highest murder rate for black males was nearly
9 times higher than the highest rate for white males. After
peaking for victims in their early 20s, the murder rate for
both white and black males declined with age. For victims
age 60 or older, the homicide rate for black males was more
than 4 higher than the rate for white males.

The homicide victimization rate for females
was highest during the first year of life
For the 10-year period from 2002 to 2011, females younger
than age 1 had a higher murder rate than females of any
other age group (figure 6). The homicide rate for females
younger than age 1 was 4.5 homicides per 100,000 for white
females and 10.3 per 100,000 for black females. Among
white females, the homicide rate was highest during
the first year of life. However, among black females, the
homicide rate peaked at age 22 (11.8 homicides per 100,000
black females), a level slightly above the rate for black
females younger than age 1. In comparison, the homicide
rate for white females at age 22 was 37% lower than the
homicide rate for white females younger than age 1.

Figure 5
Male homicide rates, by victim age and race, 2002–2011

Figure 6
Female homicide rates, by victim age and race, 2002–2011

Rate per 100,000 males
120

Rate per 100,000 females
14

100

12
10

80
60

Black/African American

8
6

40

4

20

2

White
0
Under 5 10 15 20 25 30 35 40 45 50 55 60 65 70 75 80 85 or
age 1
older
Age of victim

Note: Homicide rates by Hispanic or Latino origin were not calculated due to
missing data on ethnicity. See Methodology.
Source: Bureau of Justice Statistics, based on data from the FBI,
Supplementary Homicide Reports, 2002–2011.

Black/African American

White

0
Under 5 10 15 20 25 30 35 40 45 50 55 60 65 70 75 80 85 or
age 1
older
Age of victim
Note: Homicide rates by Hispanic or Latino origin were not calculated due to
missing data on ethnicity. See Methodology.
Source: Bureau of Justice Statistics, based on data from the FBI,
Supplementary Homicide Reports, 2002–2011.

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As with male homicide victims, the murder rates for black
females and white females followed similar trends across
age groups. The average homicide rate for black females
was over 3 times higher than the rate for white females.
For both black females and white females, the youth
murder rate decreased after age 1. After age 11, the female
homicide rate for both races increased substantially.
The homicide rate for white females age 11 or older was
greatest for ages 20 to 31, with an average homicide rate
of 2.8 per 100,000. In comparison, the homicide rate for
black females age 11 or older was highest for those ages 21
to 26, with an average homicide rate of 11.4 per 100,000.
The peak rate for black females age 11 or older was 4 times
higher than the peak rate for white females age 11 or older.
Homicide rates among black and white females declined
with age after age 30. Among victims age 60 or older,
black females experienced a homicide rate that was
approximately 2 times higher than the rate for white
females. In addition, the rate remained stable among
white females age 75 or older, while the homicide rate
among black females age 75 or older increased, from
2.2 homicides per 100,000 for persons age 75 to 3.6 per
100,000 for those age 83.

The rate of homicides involving a firearm
decreased by half from 1992 to 2011
The homicide rate declined from 1992 to 2011, regardless
of the type of weapon used in the crime. In 1992, the
murder rate for incidents involving a firearm was
6.3 homicides per 100,000 persons (figure 7). By 2011,
the firearm-involved homicide rate was 3.2 per 100,000,
a decline of 49% from 1992. Overall, the total number
of homicide incidents involving a firearm declined from
more than 16,100 in 1992 to approximately 9,900 in 2011
(not shown in figure).
Declines in the number and rate of firearm-involved
homicides known to law enforcement are consistent with
declines seen in analysis of data in which homicide was
the primary cause of death, as recorded by physicians,
medical examiners, and coroners through the National
Vital Statistics System (NVSS), a data collection of the

National Center on Health Statistics within the federal
Centers for Disease Control and Prevention (CDC).
Over the same 20-year period, the age-adjusted firearm
homicide rate based on data from the NVSS declined 45%,
from 6.5 homicides per 100,000 in 1992 to 3.6 per 100,000
in 2011 (not shown in figure).2 For more information, see
the two national sources of homicide data in this report
and the BJS report Firearm Violence, 1993–2011, NCJ
241730, BJS web, May 2013.
The homicide rate for incidents involving other types of
weapons also declined from 1992 to 2011. During this 20-year
period, the rate of murder involving a knife or blunt object
declined by 55%, and the rate of murder involving a personal
weapon (including fists or feet and pushing or strangling the
victim) decreased by 47%. The rate of homicide involving
other nonpersonal weapons (e.g., poison, explosives, fire,
narcotics, and unknown weapons) declined by 34%.
2Estimates

of firearm-involved homicides from 1992 to 2010 were
retrieved from Centers for Disease Control and Prevention, National
Center for Injury Prevention and Control, Web-based Injury Statistics
Query and Reporting System (WISQARS), 1992–2010, retrieved
November 2013 from www.cdc.gov/ncipc/wisqars. Preliminary estimates
for 2011 firearm-involved homicides were retrieved from Hoyert, D.L.
& Xu, J.Q. (2012), Deaths: Preliminary data for 2011, National Vital
Statistics Reports, 61(6).

Figure 7
Homicide rates, by weapon type, 1992–2011
Rate per 100,000 U.S. residents
7
6
5
4
3
2

Firearm
Personal weapon
Other nonpersonal weapon

1
0
1992

1995

1998

2001

2004

Knife or blunt object
2007

2010

Source: Bureau of Justice Statistics, based on data from the FBI,
Supplementary Homicide Reports, 1992–2011.

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Missing information on homicide offenders
Using data from the FBI’s Supplementary Homicide
Reports (SHR) to estimate the characteristics of
homicide offenders is problematic due to the number
of homicides in the data file with no information on the
offender demographic characteristics. This offender
information could be missing because either the
reporting law enforcement agency did not identify
a suspect (i.e., the offender was unknown) or the
agency did not report the information to the SHR (i.e.,
the offender was known but the information was not
reported). In 2011, the most recent year for which
SHR data are available, 31% of homicide victims had
missing corresponding information on all three primary
demographic characteristics (i.e., sex, race, and age) for
homicide offenders (table 2).
In addition, missing information about the offender
is not distributed uniformly across homicide victims.
Instead, it varies depending on the characteristics of the
victim. For example, the demographic characteristics of
the homicide offender were more likely to be missing
in the SHR data when the homicide victims were male
(36%) compared to female (16%), black (40%) compared
to white (23%), older juveniles ages 12 to 17 (34%)
compared to younger juveniles age 11 or younger (9%),
and adults ages 18 to 34 (37%) compared to adults age
35 or older (24%).

Table 2
Missing homicide offender characteristics data, by
victim demographic characteristics, 2011
Victim demographic characteristic
All victims
Sex
Male
Female
Race
White
Black/African American
Other*
Age
11 or younger
12–17
18–24
25–34
35–49
50–64
65 or older

Missing offender characteristic
31.3%

Studying data on crimes cleared (i.e., considered by law
enforcement to be solved) can provide information on
the degree to which the missing offender information
in the SHR data is the result of either the offender being
unknown or the offender information being known to
law enforcement but not reported in the data. A murder
is cleared, or considered solved, by law enforcement
when an offender is arrested for the crime, or when an
offender is identified but cannot be arrested (e.g., the
offender is deceased).
Information on whether each reported homicide is
cleared is not included as part of the SHR. However,
through a separate data collection effort, the FBI
compiles information from law enforcement agencies
on the total number of murders cleared each year. From
1992 to 2011, the average annual murder clearance
rate reported by the FBI was 64%, meaning that law
enforcement could not identify an offender in 36%
of murders. During the same period, the percentage
of murders not cleared by law enforcement was,
on average, about 2% lower than the percentage
of homicides for which the sex, race, and age of the
offender were missing in the SHR data (figure 8). This
implies that for more than 9 in 10 murders known to
law enforcement for which corresponding offender
information was not available, the information was
missing because the law enforcement agency did not
identify a suspect in the crime.

Figure 8
Homicides not cleared and missing homicide offender
demographic characteristics data, 1992–2011

35.8%
15.7

Percent

22.6%
39.9
20.0

40

8.9%
33.9
38.3
36.0
29.1
23.4
19.4

Note: Homicide rates by Hispanic or Latino origin were not calculated due
to missing data on ethnicity. See Methodology.
*Includes persons identified as American Indian, Alaska Native, Asian,
Native Hawaiian, or other Pacific Islander.
Source: Bureau of Justice Statistics, based on data from the FBI,
Supplementary Homicide Reports, 2011.

50
Missing offender characteristics
Not cleared by arrest or exceptional means

30
20
10
0

1992

1996

2000

2004

2008

2011

Source: Bureau of Justice Statistics, based on data from the FBI,
Supplementary Homicide Reports, 1992–2011 and Crime in the United
States, 1992-2011.

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The percentage of victims killed by a firearm
remained relatively stable from 1992 to 2011
While the rate of murder involving a firearm declined
by half from 1992 to 2011 for both males and females
(figures 9 and 10), the percentage of male and female
murders committed with a firearm changed little over
the period (figures 11 and 12). In both 1992 and 2011,
firearms were reportedly used in 73% of all murders of
males and in 49% of all murders of females, with minor
fluctuations during the period.
Handguns were more commonly involved in homicides
than other types of firearms. From 1992 to 2011, handguns
were used in an average of 57% of male homicides and
in 35% of female homicides. An additional 16% of male
homicide victims and 13% of female homicide victims
were killed with some other type of firearm (e.g., rifles,
shotguns, and firearms of unknown type).

The percentage of homicides that involved a
firearm was generally stable across periods for
various victim types
The percentage of homicides involving a firearm was
examined by age for white males, black males, white
females, and black females across different periods to
assess whether the percentage of homicides involving a
firearm had changed over time for different demographics
of victims. Data on the percentage of homicides known
to law enforcement agencies that involved a firearm were
calculated for the most recent period from 2008 to 2011
and compared to the percentage of firearm-involved
homicides from 1992 to 1995, the period within the past
20 years during which the homicide rate peaked.
Overall, the percentage of homicides involving a
firearm was similar across the two periods, regardless
of victim demographics. Although the number and rate

Figure 9
Rate of male homicides involving a firearm, by firearm
type, 2002–2011

Figure 11
Percent of male homicides involving a firearm, by firearm
type, 2002–2011

Rate per 100,000 males
10

Percent
70
60

8

Handgun

50
6
Handgun

4

30
20

2
0

40

Other firearm*
1992

1996

2000

2004

2008

2011

*Includes rifles, shotguns, and firearms of unspecified type, including
automatic weapons.
Source: Bureau of Justice Statistics, based on data from the FBI,
Supplementary Homicide Reports, 2002–2011.

Figure 10
Rate of female homicides involving a firearm, by firearm
type, 2002–2011

Other firearm*

10
0

1992

2000

2004

2008

2011

Figure 12
Percent of female homicides involving a firearm, by
firearm type, 2002–2011

Rate per 100,000 females
2.0

Percent
50

1.5

40

Handgun

30

1.0
Handgun
0.5

0.0

1996

*Includes rifles, shotguns, and firearms of unspecified type, including
automatic weapons.
Source: Bureau of Justice Statistics, based on data from the FBI,
Supplementary Homicide Reports, 2002–2011.

1992

1996

2000

2004

Other firearm*
2008
2011

*Includes rifles, shotguns, and firearms of unspecified type, including
automatic weapons.
Source: Bureau of Justice Statistics, based on data from the FBI,
Supplementary Homicide Reports, 2002–2011.

20
10
0

Other firearm*
1992

1996

2000

2004

2008

*Includes rifles, shotguns, and firearms of unspecified type, including
automatic weapons.
Source: Bureau of Justice Statistics, based on data from the FBI,
Supplementary Homicide Reports, 2002–2011.

2011

P at terns & T rends
of homicides have both decreased substantially since the
early 1990s, the nature of firearm use in homicides has
not changed. Data show that white males were the only
demographic category to have a noticeable decrease in
the percentage of homicides involving a firearm from the
early to mid-1990s to the late 2000s (figure 13). For white
females, the percentage of firearm-involved homicides was
nearly the same during the two periods, regardless of age
(figure 14).
Among black male and black female victims, the
percentage of murders involving a firearm was similar
between the early to mid-1990s and the late 2000s,

with a few exceptions (figures 15 and 16). For example,
black male victims ages 25 to 45 experienced a higher
proportion of homicides involving a firearm from 2008
to 2011 than from 1992 to 1995, while the opposite was
true for white male victims in the same age range. In
addition, black female victims ages 18 to 41 were more
likely to be murdered with a firearm from 2008 to 2011
than from 1992 to 1995. In comparison, the percentage of
white females ages 18 to 41 killed with a firearm was lower
during the most recent period than during the early to
mid-1990s.

Figure 13
Percent of white male homicides involving a firearm, by
victim age, 1992–1995 and 2008–2011

Figure 15
Percent of black male homicides involving a firearm, by
victim age, 1992–1995 and 2008–2011

Percent
100

Percent
100

1992–1995

2008–2011

80

80
2008–2011

60
40

40

20

20

0
Younger 5
than 1

10

15

20

1992–1995

60

25 30 35 40
Age of victim

45

50

55

60 65 or
older

0
Younger 5
than 1

10

15

20

25 30 35 40
Age of victim

45

50

55

60 65 or
older

Source: Bureau of Justice Statistics, based on data from the FBI,
Supplementary Homicide Reports, 1992–1995 and 2008–2011.

Source: Bureau of Justice Statistics, based on data from the FBI,
Supplementary Homicide Reports, 1992–1995 and 2008–2011.

Figure 14
Percent of white female homicides involving a firearm, by
victim age, 1992–1995 and 2008–2011

Figure 16
Percent of black female homicides involving a firearm, by
victim age, 1992–1995 and 2008–2011

Percent
100

Percent
100

1992–1995

60

60
2008–2011

40

1992–1995

40
20

20
0
Younger 5
than 1

2008–2011

80

80

10

15

20

25 30 35 40
Age of victim

45

50

Source: Bureau of Justice Statistics, based on data from the FBI,
Supplementary Homicide Reports, 1992–1995 and 2008–2011.

55

60 65 or
older

0
Younger 5
than 1

10

15

20

25 30 35 40
Age of victim

45

50

55

60 65 or
older

Source: Bureau of Justice Statistics, based on data from the FBI,
Supplementary Homicide Reports, 1992–1995 and 2008–2011.

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P at terns & T rends
Firearm use in nonfatal violent victimizations
The proportion of nonfatal violent victimizations (rape
or sexual assault, robbery, aggravated assault, and
simple assault) involving a firearm was calculated to
examine whether it followed the same trend over time
as the proportion of homicides involving a firearm.
Data on nonfatal violent victimizations come from BJS’s
National Crime Victimization Survey (NCVS), which
collects information on nonfatal crimes reported and
not reported to the police against persons age 12
or older from a nationally representative sample of
U.S. households. The percentages of nonfatal violent
victimizations of males and females age 12 or older
that involved a firearm were compared for the periods
1993 to 1995 and 2008 to 2011 for six different victim

age categories. Like the pattern among homicides, the
proportion of nonfatal violent victimizations involving
a firearm for 1993 to 1995 was similar to the proportion
for 2008 to 2011, across most of the victim sex and age
groups (figures 17 and 18). Exceptions were found
in three categories of victims—males ages 12 to 17,
females ages 12 to 17, and males ages 35 to 49—each of
which experienced a decrease between the two periods
in the percentage of nonfatal violent victimizations
involving a firearm. For additional information on
nonfatal violent victimizations involving firearms, see
Firearm Violence, 1993–2011, NCJ 241730, BJS web, May
2013, and National Crime Victimization Survey (NCVS)
data on the BJS website.

Figure 17
Level for nonfatal violent victimizations of males
involving a firearm, by victim age with confidence
intervals at 95%, 1993–1995 and 2008–2011

Figure 18
Level for nonfatal violent victimizations of females
involving a firearm, by victim age with confidence
intervals at 95%, 1993–1995 and 2008–2011

Percent
30

Percent
30

20

2008–2011
1993–1995

20

10

10

0

0

-10

12–17

18–24

25–34
35–49
Victim age

50–64

65 or older

Note: Each vertical bar shows the range within which the true
victimization rate was likely to fall.
Source: Bureau of Justice Statistics, National Crime Victimization Survey,
1993–1995 and 2008–2011.

-10

2008–2011
1993–1995

12–17

18–24

25–34
35–49
Victim age

50–64

65 or older

Note: Each vertical bar shows the range within which the true
victimization rate was likely to fall.
Source: Bureau of Justice Statistics, National Crime Victimization Survey,
1993–1995 and 2008–2011.

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P at terns & T rends
In 2011, the homicide rate in all types of
communities fell to the lowest point in 20 years

The homicide rate in large cities decreased by
nearly a quarter from 2002 to 2011

Using SHR data, trends in homicide rates were examined
for five different types of communities: large cities with
500,000 or more residents, large cities with 100,000
to 499,999 residents, small cities with 99,999 or fewer
residents, suburban areas, and rural areas. The murder rate
in all five types of communities decreased from 1992 to
2011 (figure 19). The largest declines occurred from 1992
to 2002. During this period, the homicide rate declined by
half (down 49%) in the largest urban areas with 500,000
or more residents and decreased by about a third both in
urban areas with 100,000 to 499,999 residents (down 37%)
and in urban areas with 99,999 or fewer residents (down
31%). The homicide rate in suburban areas declined by
42%, and in rural areas by 27%.

To better examine trends in murder rates by type of
community from 2002 to 2011, the annual homicide rate
from 2003 to 2011 was compared to the 2002 rate in that
area. The absolute change in the rate was calculated for
each year, with positive numbers indicating an increase
from the homicide rate in 2002 and negative numbers
demonstrating a reduction from the 2002 baseline. This
allowed for an examination of the trends in the homicide
rate for each type of community.

From 2002 to 2011, the murder rate also declined in each
type of community, but by a smaller percentage. Large
urban areas had the largest declines. Cities with 100,000 to
499,999 residents and those with 500,000 or more residents
experienced a 23% decline in the murder rates during this
period. In large cities with populations of 500,000 or more
residents, the homicide rate decreased from 14.2 homicides
per 100,000 in 2002 to 10.9 in 2011. Similarly, in cities with
populations of 100,000 to 499,999, the rate declined from
9.9 homicides per 100,000 in 2002 to 7.7 in 2011.
Although the murder rate in other types of communities
also dropped from 2002 to 2011, the declines were more
modest. The homicide rate in suburban areas declined by
13% over the 10-year period from 2002–2011, from 5.4 to
4.7 homicides per 100,000. In comparison, the homicide
rate in small cities with 99,999 or fewer residents did not
change substantially, decreasing from 2.0 homicides per
100,000 in 2002 to 1.8 in 2011. Rural areas also saw little
change, declining from 3.4 homicides per 100,000 in 2002
to 3.1 in 2011.
Figure 19
Homicide rate, by community type, 1992–2011

Cities with 100,000 or more residents showed the largest
decreases in homicide rates from 2002 to 2011, but the
decline was not uniform across the period (figure 20). For
example, while large cities with 500,000 or more residents
experienced the largest net decline over the period, the
murder rates in 2002 and 2006 were similar. After 2006,
the homicide rate dropped rapidly, reaching its lowest
level in the last decade in 2011.
In comparison to large cities, the homicide rate in
suburban areas increased slightly from 2002 to 2007, then
decreased through 2011. While the rate fluctuated over
the 10-year period, the overall number of homicides in
suburban areas in 2011 was nearly equal to the number
in 2002. Small cities with less than 100,000 residents
and rural areas also experienced little change in their
respective homicide rates from 2002 to 2011.
Figure 20
Homicide rate change, by community type, 2002–2011
Rate change
1.0
0.0
-1.0
-2.0
-3.0

Rate per 100,000 residents
40

Rural areas
Suburban areas
Small cities, 99,999 or fewer
Large cities, 100,000–499,999
Large cities, 500,000 or more

30
20

-4.0
2002

Rural areas
Suburban areas
Small cities, 99,999 or fewer
Large cities, 100,000–499,999
Large cities, 500,000 or more
2003

2004

2005

2006

2007

2008

2009

2010 2011

Source: Bureau of Justice Statistics, based on data from the FBI,
Supplementary Homicide Reports, 2002–2011.

10
0

1992

1996

2000

2004

2008

2011

Source: Bureau of Justice Statistics, based on data from the FBI,
Supplementary Homicide Reports, 1992–2011.

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P at terns & T rends
Rural areas experienced a decrease in the
percentage of homicides involving a firearm
from 1992 to 2011
From 1992 to 2011, the percentage of homicides involving
a firearm fluctuated for all five types of communities
(figure 21). During that period, the percentage of
homicide victims killed with a firearm increased by nearly
6 percentage points in urban areas with 100,000 to 499,999
residents, but decreased about 2 percentage points in
urban areas with 500,000 or more residents. The overall
percentage of homicides involving a firearm in small cities
with 99,999 or fewer residents and in suburban areas
was about the same in 2011 as in 1992. In rural areas, the
percentage of homicides involving a firearm decreased by
8 percentage points during the same period.
From 2002 to 2011, rural areas experienced an overall
decline in the percentage of homicides involving a firearm.
In comparison, urban areas with 100,000 to 499,999
residents and those with 500,000 or more residents
experienced an increase in the percentage of homicides
involving a firearm.

The percentage of males and females killed
with a firearm differed by community type
Overall, an estimated two-thirds (68%) of murders that
occurred in 2011 involved a firearm, with nearly half (49%)
involving a handgun (table 3). Knives or blunt objects were
used in 17% of homicides, and personal weapons (e.g.,
hands, fists, or feet) and other weapons (e.g., poison, fire, or
explosives) were used in 15% of murders.
Figure 21
Homicides involving a firearm, by community type,
1992–2011
Percent
80
60
40

Rural areas
Suburban areas
Small cities, 99,999 or fewer
Large cities, 100,000 –499,999
Large cities, 500,000 or more

20
0

1992

1996

2000

2004

2008

2011

Source: Bureau of Justice Statistics, based on data from the FBI,
Supplementary Homicide Reports, 1992–2011.

Table 3
Weapon use in homicides, by victim sex and community type, 2011
Victim sex and community type
Total
Male victims
Urban area
99,999 or fewer
100,000–249,999
250,000–499,999
500,000–999,999
1 million or more
Suburban area
Rural area
Female victims
Urban area
99,999 or fewer
100,000–249,999
250,000–499,999
500,000–999,999
1 million or more
Suburban area
Rural area

Number of homicides
14,610
11,370
8,355
1,620
1,415
1,405
1,585
2,330
2,350
660
3,240
1,945
560
375
275
315
420
1,015
290

Percent
100%
100%
100%
100%
100%
100%
100%
100%
100%
100%
100%
100%
100%
100%
100%
100%
100%
100%
100%

Percent of homicides involving a—
Knife or
Personal
Handgun Other firearm* blunt object
weapon
49.5%
18.4%
17.2%
7.3%
53.9
19.2
15.8
5.0
57.6
18.3
14.4
4.5
46.7
19.8
19.9
6.7
49.0
25.7
13.9
5.7
59.1
22.7
10.7
3.1
53.4
22.7
14.3
4.8
72.2
6.9
13.4
2.9
47.2
20.4
19.2
5.9
31.8
27.1
20.3
7.9
33.8
15.5
22.2
15.5
34.8
12.7
23.5
16.6
30.5
13.8
24.6
20.7
34.5
14.1
21.0
14.9
39.8
20.1
15.2
13.5
33.5
14.7
23.1
18.3
38.7
3.8
29.8
13.5
33.2
17.1
21.0
15.1
29.3
29.2
17.9
9.1

Other nonpersonal
weapon
7.6%
6.1
5.2
6.8
5.7
4.4
4.7
4.6
7.2
13.0
13.0
12.4
10.5
15.5
11.4
10.5
14.2
13.7
14.5

Note: Personal weapon includes pushed or thrown out window, drowning, asphyxiation, and strangulation or hanging; other nonpersonal weapon includes
poison, explosives, fire, narcotics or drugs, and unknown weapons.
*Includes rifles, shotguns, and firearms of unspecified type, including automatic weapons.
Source: Bureau of Justice Statistics, based on data from the FBI, Supplementary Homicide Reports, 2011.

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P at terns & T rends
In 2011, males (73%) were more likely than females
(49%) to be killed with a firearm. In comparison, female
homicide victims were more likely than male victims to be
killed with a weapon other than a firearm. The percentage
of female victims killed with a personal weapon (15%) in
2011 was 3 times higher than the comparable percentage
of male victims (5%).
The type of community in which the homicide occurred
was also related to the type of weapon used in the
homicide. Across all types of communities in 2011, a
higher proportion of male homicide victims was killed by
a firearm than any other weapon. In urban and suburban
areas, homicides of males involving a firearm were more
than twice as likely to include a handgun than other
types of firearms (e.g., a rifle, shotgun, or firearm of an
unreported type). In the largest cities with 1 million or
more residents, homicides involving a handgun were even
more common, with male victims being 10 times more
likely to be killed by a handgun (72%) than other types
of firearms (7%). In comparison, male homicide victims
in rural areas were almost equally likely to be killed with
a handgun (32%) as another type of firearm other than a
handgun (27%).

About half of all firearm homicides in rural
areas involved a firearm other than a handgun
In 2011, of the more than 9,900 homicides involving a
firearm, an estimated 73% involved a handgun (table 4).
The percentage of firearm homicides committed with a
handgun was similar among males and females, although
the percentage fluctuated by type of community. Firearm
homicides were more likely to involve a handgun if the
murder occurred in a large city with 1 million or more
residents (91%) than other urban areas, regardless of the
sex of the victim. Similarly, nearly half (47%) of firearm
homicides that occurred in rural areas involved a firearm
other than a handgun, such as a rifle, shotgun, or other
unspecified firearm, compared to about a quarter (24%) of
firearm homicides in urban areas and about a third (31%)
of firearm homicides in suburban areas.

Table 4
Homicides involving a firearm, by victim sex, community type, and firearm type, 2011
Victim sex and community type
Total
Male victims
Urban area
99,999 or fewer
100,000–249,999
250,000–499,999
500,000–999,999
1 million or more
Suburban area
Rural area
Female victims
Urban area
99,999 or fewer
100,000–249,999
250,000–499,999
500,000–999,999
1 million or more
Suburban area
Rural area

Number
9,915
8,315
6,335
1,080
1,055
1,150
1,205
1,845
1,590
390
1,600
925
250
180
165
150
180
510
170

All firearms
100%
100%
100%
100%
100%
100%
100%
100%
100%
100%
100%
100%
100%
100%
100%
100%
100%
100%
100%

Percent involving—
Handgun
72.9
73.7
75.9
70.2
65.6
72.3
70.1
91.2
69.8
54.1
68.5
73.3
68.9
71.0
66.5
69.5
91.0
66.0
50.1

Other firearm*
27.1
26.3
24.1
29.8
34.4
27.7
29.9
8.8
30.2
45.9
31.5
26.7
31.1
29.0
33.5
30.5
9.0
34.0
49.9

Note: Data may not sum to total due to rounding. Counts rounded to the nearest 5.
*Includes rifles, shotguns, and firearms of unspecified type, including automatic weapons.
Source: Bureau of Justice Statistics, based on data from the FBI, Supplementary Homicide Reports, 2011.

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Since 2002, the percentage of homicide
incidents involving two or more victims has
remained relatively stable
From 2002 to 2011, the majority (95%) of homicide
incidents involved the killing of a single victim (not
shown in figure).3 During the same period, about 4% of
homicide incidents involved two victims, 0.6% involved
three victims, and 0.2% involved four or more victims
(figure 22). In 2011, about 110 homicide incidents
involved three victims, or less than 1% of all homicides
that year. Homicide incidents involving four or more
victims were even less frequent. In 2011, of an estimated
13,750 reported homicide incidents, about 25 involved
four or more victims.

Multiple-victim homicides were more likely
than single-victim homicides to involve
firearms other than handguns
In 2011, 66% of single-victim homicides involved a
firearm, and 79% of homicide incidents with multiple
victims involved a firearm (table 5). Among homicides
reported by law enforcement, the percentage of homicide
incidents involving a firearm increased with the number
of victims killed in the incident. In 2011, 77% of incidents
in which two victims were killed involved a firearm,
compared to 82% among homicides in which three
victims were killed. For incidents involving four or more
victims, 91% of the homicides involved a firearm.

The percentage of homicides involving a handgun
(49%) remained relatively stable, regardless of the
number of victims killed during the incident. However,
a larger percentage of multiple-victim homicides than
single-victim homicides involved a firearm other than
a handgun. An estimated 17% of homicides involving
one victim were committed with a firearm other than a
handgun, compared to 25% of homicides involving two
victims, 35% of homicides involving three victims, and
47% of homicides involving four or more victims.
Figure 22
Percent of homicides involving two or more victims,
2002–2011
Percent
5
2 victims

4
3
2
4 or more victims

1
0
2002

2003

2004

2005

2006

2007

3 victims
2008

2009

2010 2011

Source: Bureau of Justice Statistics, based on data from the FBI,
Supplementary Homicide Reports, 2002–2011.

3Due

to the underlying data structure of the SHR, incidents of mass
homicide are difficult to count. Although information on homicides
involving more than one victim is presented, these data should be used
with caution. See Methodology for details on multiple-victim homicides.

Table 5
Homicides in the U.S., by the number of victims killed and weapon type, 2011
Number of
homicide victims
Total
1 victim
2 victims
3 victims
4 or more victims

Number of
homicide incidents
13,750
13,050
565
110
25

Total
100%
100%
100%
100%
100%

Percent of homicides involving a—
Firearm
Any firearm
Handgun
Other firearm*
67.1
49.4
17.7
66.5
49.3
17.2
77.3
52.0
25.3
82.3
47.1
35.2
90.8
44.2
46.6

Other weapon
32.9
33.5
22.7
17.7
9.2 !

Note: Due to limitations of the data, the incident count presented above may not accurately reflect the total number of unique homicide incidents in the United
States. For more information on how homicide incidents are counted, see Methodology.
*Includes rifles, shotguns, and firearms of unspecified type, including automatic weapons.
!Interpret data with caution; estimate based on 10 or fewer incidents.
Source: Bureau of Justice Statistics, based on data from the FBI, Supplementary Homicide Reports, 2011.

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P at terns & T rends

Methodology
Data sources
The FBI’s Uniform Crime Reporting (UCR) program,
launched over 80 years ago, collects and publishes
annual statistics on criminal offenses known to law
enforcement and on arrests. Information on reported
offenses is limited to eight offenses: homicide, forcible
rape, robbery, aggravated assault, burglary, larceny-theft,
motor vehicle theft, and arson. Data on the number of
arrests includes many additional types of crime, such as
drug abuse violations and driving under the influence.
The FBI annually publishes data from the UCR in Crime
in the United States, available at http://www.fbi.gov/
about-us/cjis/ucr/ucr#ucr_cius. The UCR is one of two
major national indicators about crime, along with BJS’s
National Crime Victimization Survey (NCVS). For more
information about these two indicators, see The Nation’s
Two Crime Measures, NCJ 122705, BJS web, October 2004.
The UCR collects data on only those crimes that come to
the attention of law enforcement through direct reports
or observation. Of all the crimes included in the UCR,
homicide incidents are the most completely documented.
Information on other serious offenses (e.g., forcible rape,
robbery, and aggravated assault) is currently available at
the national level only in summary counts and without
any details about the incident, victims, or offenders.
Such incident-specific detail is available nationally on
homicides through the FBI’s Supplementary Homicide
Reports (SHR).

Supplementary Homicide Reports
Most of the data used in this report are from the SHR,
which is a part of the FBI’s UCR program. Supplementary
data about homicide incidents include details on
location, weapon, and victim and offender demographic
characteristics. These SHR data include information on the
reporting agency and its residential population; county and
Metropolitan Statistical Area designations; geographical
division and population group; the sex, age, and race of
victims and offenders; and the victim-offender relationship,
weapon use, and circumstance of the crime. Contributing
law enforcement agencies provided supplementary
homicide data for 317,492 (89%) of the estimated 356,470
murders that took place from 1992 to 2011.
In this report, homicide is used interchangeably with
murder, and includes both murder and nonnegligent
manslaughter, which is the willful killing of one human
being by another. The analyses presented exclude deaths
caused by negligence, suicide, or accident; justifiable
homicides; attempts to murder; and murders of U.S.

residents that occurred outside the United States. Deaths
from the terrorist attacks of September 11, 2001, are also
not included in these analyses. The data included in the
SHR are on homicides known to law enforcement. The
determination that a crime was a homicide was made
solely based on police investigation rather than the
decision of a court, medical examiner, coroner, jury, or
other non-law enforcement entity.
All rates were calculated by dividing the estimated number
of homicide victims by estimates of the U.S. resident
population for the appropriate group. This report used
bridged-race population estimates developed by the
National Center for Health Statistics and the U.S. Census
Bureau, unless otherwise specified. The bridged-race data
are available at http://www.cdc.gov/nchs/nvss/bridged_
race/data_documentation.htm. All rates were per 100,000
U.S. residents.
Homicide estimates in this report were based on
homicides with known attributes and have been rounded
to the nearest 5, unless otherwise indicated. The National
Archive of Criminal Justice Data (NACJD) stores the data
from which the analyses in this report are based. Annual
SHR data files are available from NACJD at www.icpsr.
umich.edu/icpsrweb/NACJD.

Weighting
The SHR data were weighted to compensate for the
average annual 10% of homicides that were not reported
to the SHR. The development of the set of annual weights
is a three-step process.
Each year the FBI’s annual Crime in the United States
report presents a national estimate of murder victims
in the United States and estimates of the number of
murder victims in each of the 50 states and the District
of Columbia. The first stage weight uses the FBI’s annual
estimates of murder victims in each state and the number
of murder victims from that state found in the annual SHR
database.
Specifically, the first stage weight for victims in state S in
year Y is—
FBI’s estimate of murder victims in state S(Year Y)
Number of murder victims in the SHR file from state S(Year Y)

For complete reporting states, this first stage weight is
equal to 1. For partial reporting states, this weight is
greater than 1. For states with a first stage weight greater
than 2—that is, the state reported SHR data for less than
half of the FBI’s estimated number of murder victims in
the state—the first stage weight is set to 1.

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The second stage weight uses the FBI’s annual national
estimates of murder victims in the United States and the
sum of the first stage weights for each state. The second
stage weight for victims in all states in year Y is—
FBI’s estimate of murder victims in the United States (Year Y)
Sum of the first stage weights of all states(Year Y)

The third step in the process is to calculate the final annual
victim-level SHR weight. The weight used to develop
national estimates of the attributes of murder victims is—
SHR weight(Year Y) = (first stage weight(Year Y)) X (second stage
weight(Year Y))

Conceptually, the first stage weight uses a state’s own
reported SHR records to represent all murder victims in
that state, as long as at least 50% of the estimated number
of murder victims in that state has a record in the SHR.
The sum of the first stage weights then equals the sum of
the total number of all murder victims in states with at
least 50% SHR coverage and the simple count of those
victims from the other reporting states. The second stage
weight is used to inflate the first stage weights so that the
weight derived from the product of the first and second
stage weights represents all murder victims in that year
in the United States. The difference between the sum
of the first stage weights and the FBI’s annual national
estimate of murder victims is the unreported murder
victims in states with less than 50% SHR coverage and
the murder victims in states that report no data to the
SHR in that year. The second stage weight compensates
for this difference by assuming that the attributes of
the nonreported victims are similar to the attributes of
weighted murder victims in that year’s SHR database.
The weighting procedure outlined above assumes that
the characteristics of unreported homicide incidents are
similar to the characteristics of reported incidents. There
is no comprehensive way to assess the validity of this
assumption.

Reporting on victim race and ethnicity
The Office of Management and Budget (OMB) established
standards for federal statistical agencies regarding the
reporting of data on race and ethnicity. These standards
indicate that data collections should include a minimum
of five categories on race (American Indian or Alaska
Native; Asian; black or African American; Native Hawaiian
or other Pacific Islander; and white) and two categories
on ethnicity (Hispanic or Latino, and non-Hispanic or
Latino). Data on race submitted to the FBI for the SHR
include four categories on race, as the data collection
form used by local law enforcement agencies to submit

homicide data combines the two categories of Asian
and Native Hawaiian or other Pacific Islander into one
category. The SHR data collection form allows for the
reporting of information on victim ethnicity; however, on
average from 1992 to 2011, more than 98% of homicide
victims for whom data were reported to the SHR were
missing information on ethnicity. Due to the lack of
reporting of ethnicity by submitting law enforcement
agencies, homicide rates by Hispanic or Latino origin were
not calculated.

Missing information on victim age, sex,
and race
In general, SHR data are missing very little information
on the age, sex, or race of homicide victims. On average
from 1992 to 2011, victim age was missing for 2% of
cases, victim sex was missing for less than 1%, and victim
race was missing for 1%. An imputation procedure was
developed to replace the missing victim information
on each SHR record. This procedure used available
information to infer the missing victim characteristics for
incidents in which the victim and offender demographic
characteristics and weapon information were known.
Specifically, unknown victim data were imputed based on
the profiles in known-victim cases, matched on victim and
offender age, sex, and race, and weapon used.

Counting multiple-victim homicides
Calculating the exact number of murder victims in an
incident is not straightforward due to the way in which
multiple-victim homicides are reported in the SHR.
The FBI’s reporting guidelines permit a maximum of 11
victims and 11 offenders on each individual homicide
incident record in the SHR data. In those rare instances
where a crime results in more than 11 homicides,
FBI reporting guidelines state that homicide victim
information should be distributed across more than one
incident record, with the offender information repeated on
each. However, these guidelines are not always followed.
For example, in April 2007, a student at Virginia
Polytechnic Institute killed 32 persons. Victim
information for this homicide incident in the FBI’s 2007
SHR data file was allocated across four separate incident
records. Three of the records held information on 10
victims, and the fourth record held information on two
victims. These four records are not linked in the SHR
file. Without knowing that these four records represent
a single homicide incident, an analysis of the SHR data
would conclude that there were three incidents with 10
victims each and one incident with two victims.

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These reporting patterns make it difficult to accurately
calculate the number of multiple homicides or mass
murders in the United States in any given year, without
extensive knowledge of the specific incidents. Using SHR
data and other sources of information, BJS is working to
establish a list of mass murders that have occurred since
1980. Once this task is completed, BJS will produce a
modified SHR data file that links together records from
the same incident so that analysts will be able to document
more precisely trends in mass murders in the United
States.

Additional methodological considerations
The methodology used for this report differs slightly from
the methodology used in past BJS reports on homicide.
Therefore, the data presented in this report should not be
considered comparable to prior BJS homicide publications
(see the Homicide Trends in the United States series). In
addition, due to concerns regarding the representativeness
of offender information contained in the SHR data,
information on homicide offending rates and homicide
offender characteristics have not been included in this
report. For more information, see “Missing information
on homicide offenders” on page 6.

Alternative sources of national homicide
statistics
In addition to the FBI’s Supplementary Homicide
Reports, the Centers for Disease Control and Prevention
(CDC) collects data on homicides in the United States,
obtained via death certifications, through the National
Vital Statistics System (NVSS). The two sources provide
somewhat different estimates of the annual number
of homicides and their characteristics. Some of these
differences can be attributed to differences in the
focus of the two collections. For example, currently
the SHR captures information on all murders known
to law enforcement that occur in the United States,
including homicide involving victims who were not U.S.
residents, while the NVSS collects information from
death certificates on the homicides of all U.S. residents,
including deaths of U.S. residents that occurred in other
countries. These and other coverage differences help to
explain the differences found in statistics generated from
the two data sources. For additional information on the
two sources of national data on homicide, see page 2 of
this report.

Furthermore, many of the variables examined in this
report may be related to one another and to other
variables not included in the analyses. Complex
relationships among variables were not fully explored in
this report and warrant more extensive analysis. Readers
are cautioned not to draw causal inferences based on the
results presented.

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The Bureau of Justice Statistics, located in the Office of Justice Programs,
U.S. Department of Justice, collects, analyzes, and disseminates statistical
information on crime, criminal offenders, victims of crime, and the operation of
justice systems at all levels of government. William J. Sabol is acting director.
This report was written by Erica L. Smith and Alexia Cooper. Ann Carson
and Jennifer Truman provided statistical review and Sheri Simmons provided
verification of the report.
Jill Thomas and Morgan Young edited the report, and Tina Dorsey, Barbara
Quinn, and Morgan Young produced the report.
December 2013, NCJ 243035

Office of Justice Programs
Innovation • Partnerships • Safer Neighborhoods
www.ojp.usdoj.gov