The Campaign to Close the Workhouse and Promote a New Vision for St. Louis, 2018

• March 20, 2018 • Locations: United States of America -> Missouri • Topics: Failure to Treat, Totality of Conditions, Overcrowding, Exposure to Cold, Jail Specific, Vermin, Exposure to Heat, Bail, Bail Bonds, Failure to Treat (Mental Illness)

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-EXECUTIVE SUMMARY-
The City of St. Louis condemns hundreds of mostly poor and Black people to suffer in unspeakably hellish and
inhumane conditions at the “Workhouse,” officially known as the Medium Security Institution. Over 95% of
people at the Workhouse are awaiting trial and remain incarcerated due to their inability to afford unusually
high and unconstitutional cash bonds. They face horrific conditions in the jail, including extreme heat and cold,
abysmal medical care, rats and cockroach infestations, and mold. The City of St. Louis spends over $16 million
every year operating this facility with little public benefit. The arrest-and-incarcerate approach to public safety
targeting the poor and Black communities in St. Louis not only ruins lives, but also does not make the city safer.
The Workhouse represents one facet of a broader system of criminalization and marginalization in St. Louis.
Lives are ruined every day by the Workhouse. Take Inez Bordeaux’s experience as an
example of St. Louis’s past and present racial and class segregation, criminalization, and
disinvestment:
Inez spent 30 days in the jail when she was unable to afford bond set at $25,000 for a
minor, technical probation offense. At the time, she earned $1,000 per month and
was raising four children. Due to her incarceration, Inez lost her nursing license for
a year and was separated from her children.
Inez is now a leader in the Close
the Workhouse campaign.
The campaign calls for an immediate closure of the
Workhouse, a reduced incarcerated population in
St. Louis, and reallocation of current arrest-and-
incarcerate funding into investments in community
well-being.

CONTENT OF THE REPORT
1.

The Story of the Workhouse: Outlines a
history of abuse, failed attempts at reform, and
the resistance movement and calls for changes to the jail and the broader criminal legal system.

The People Harmed by the Workhouse: Outlines and humanizes who is incarcerated at the
Workhouse, what people are charged with, what practices keep people detained, and the broader
structural practices of marginalization when interacting with people’s realities of incarceration.

Why the Workhouse Must Close: Outlines the inhumane and unconstitutional conditions at the jail,
the public cost of operating the jail, and St. Louis’s unconstitutional pretrial bail practices.

From Arrest-and-Incarcerate to Community Well-Being: Outlines the failure of St. Louis’s current
approach to public safety premised on arresting and incarcerating individuals and promotes a new
vision of public safety premised on programs that promote community well-being.

The Plan to Close the Workhouse: Outlines a plan calling on three institutional leaders (the Mayor, the
Circuit Attorney, and the Board of Aldermen) to close the Workhouse, decarcerate St. Louis, and reinvest
public funds in initiatives that promote a community well-being vision for public safety.

A Call to Action

OUR VALUES
The Workhouse is part and parcel of a racialized system of mass incarceration that grew directly out of slavery
and Jim Crow and works to perpetuate this shameful legacy in America. The story of the Workhouse illustrates
this oppressive history. The demands proposed by the campaign aim to limit harms of mass incarceration,
without legitimizing or justifying the continued caging of people as punishment.
The Close the Workhouse campaign emerges from the outcry that was the Ferguson Uprising. It’s grounded in a
commitment to end an ongoing war against Black people that has been waged against generations of families in
St. Louis. Our aim is not to reform but to deconstruct a racist system that has destroyed lives and to abolish the
practice of criminalizing the poor. We embrace this task in order to vindicate the victims of the Workhouse and
to secure future generations’ ability to thrive.1

This report is a collaboration of the individuals subjected to incarceration at the Workhouse and lawyers and
activists engaged on the issue.

FINDINGS OF THE REPORT
Nearly everyone incarcerated in the Workhouse has not been convicted of a crime and is legally
presumed innocent. The Workhouse almost exclusively confines individuals awaiting trial. Many people
are incarcerated in cages because they are poor. Most are charged with non-serious crimes related to their
poverty. Over 10% of those awaiting trial ultimately have their charges dismissed after spending an
average of 291 days in jail.
Individuals remain incarcerated in the Workhouse solely because they cannot afford bond. Cash bail
allows wealthy individuals to be released while confining the poor simply because they cannot pay. Unlike
similar cities, St. Louis allows only 4% of individuals to be released on a promise to appear, instead setting
a median bond of $25,000. This is completely unaffordable to the average St. Louisan who has a per capita
income of $25,434.
Nearly 90% of the individuals in the Workhouse are Black though only half of St. Louis’s population
is Black. This outcome reflects the targeted policing and criminalization of segregated Black communities,
especially communities in North St. Louis. Poor and homeless individuals and those facing mental illness
are also disproportionately impacted.
The inhumane and abusive conditions in the Workhouse violate the Constitution. Since opening in
1966, there has been a well-documented history of inhumane conditions at the Workhouse, continuing to
today. In the last 5 years, there have been 6 documented deaths. Individuals incarcerated there endure
extreme temperatures, inadequate sanitation, vermin infestations, and violence. These conditions violate
the Eighth and Fourteenth Amendments to the U.S. Constitution.
St. Louis spends $16 million every year to run the Workhouse without making us safer; these are
funds that should be reinvested in policies to build strong, stable communities. Over half of St. Louis’s
budget is devoted to “public safety”, but the current approach of policing and incarceration does not make
us safer. These funds should be reinvested to promote a new vision of public safety that addresses the root
causes of crime - like economic insecurity, lack of opportunity, living with a mental illness, and substance
use disorders - to create lasting stability and safety. A portion of these funds should be used to retrain and
rehire current employees at the Workhouse into other or new City employment. Reallocation of funding
should occur through a participatory budgeting process that involves all residents in the city, especially the
most impacted communities.

DEMANDS: T HE PLAN TO CLOSE THE WORKHOUSE-
This report outlines a clear plan to address a part of the broader system of criminalization and
marginalization in St. Louis by outlining a set of steps to decarcerate the city, invest in all its
communities through a new vision of public safety, and immediately close the Workhouse.
Who must Close the Workhouse?
Mayor Krewson: By calling for the immediate closure of the Workhouse and directing reinvestment of
city funds into programs that promote a new vision of public safety.
➢ Circuit Attorney Gardner: By supporting the release of individuals currently detained pretrial, by
choosing not to prosecute certain charges, and by supporting diversion approaches.
➢ Board of Aldermen: By reinvesting money out of arrest-and-incarcerate models of public safety and into a
new vision of public safety centered around community well-being.
➢

How can we Close the Workhouse?

See the Plan to Close the Workhouse on pages 31 to 38.

Release individuals detained pretrial
The Circuit Attorney’s Office should recommend automatic pretrial release for individuals charged with
misdemeanors, victimless crimes, and poverty-related offenses. For other charges, there should be a
presumption of release and individualized release determinations focused on meeting the needs of
incarcerated peoples and eliminating threats to public safety. Conditions of release must take financial
means into account and be the least burdensome means possible to ensure that the person returns to
court. This would lead to a significant decrease in the incarcerated population.

Close the Workhouse
Mayor Krewson can direct the closure of the Workhouse. The Workhouse is controlled and operated by
the City of St. Louis. As the political leader of St. Louis, she controls the jail through the Department of
Public Safety and can choose to immediately close the jail.

Decline to prosecute and criminalize individuals

The Circuit Attorney’s Office should decline prosecutions of victimless and poverty-related offenses and
divert those individuals towards health, economic, and treatment opportunities. This would lead to a
significant decrease in the incarcerated population in St. Louis. The Office must also dismiss similar
pending charges. Decisions not to prosecute should be categorical and not based on an individual’s
criminal background. Where the Circuit Attorney’s office decides to prosecute an individual, they
should prioritize their entry into pre-plea diversion programs and work with individuals to address
underlying issues such as housing insecurity or substance abuse that can lead to continued interactions
with the criminal legal system.

Reinvest money from arrest-and-incarcerate to community well-being

The City of St. Louis should reinvest the $16 million it currently spends to operate the Workhouse. The
St. Louis Board of Aldermen, along with the Mayor, should vote to fund initiatives that improve public
safety through a focus on community well-being instead of police and incarceration, addressing the
root causes of crime. Community well-being priorities should be defined through community
participation in a participatory budgeting process.

OUR PARTNERS AND ACKNOWLEDGMENTS

This report reflects the leadership and experience of individuals inside and outside of the Workhouse who have
been impacted by the systems we seek to change.
The Close the Workhouse Campaign is led by four core partners: Action St. Louis, ArchCity Defenders, the Bail
Project, and MORE (Missourians Organizing for Reform and Empowerment).
Nearly 30 organizations across St. Louis have already signed on in support of the Campaign to Close the
Workhouse. Please see the Close the Workhouse campaign website for the full list of campaign partners.
We would like to thank the contributions of our research team coordinated by ArchCity Defenders.
Research, data, and stories were compiled throughout 2018 and are on file at ArchCity Defenders.
The report’s design, research, and drafting was led by ArchCity Defenders’ Staff Attorney Sima Atri, with
significant support from ArchCity Defenders’ 2018 summer interns including Luce Randall, Dara
Jackson-Garrett, Sonya Levitova, Mara Roth, Leila Atri, Corri Mader, Andi Taverna, and Amari Fennoy and
ArchCity Defenders’ staff including Blake Strode, Jacki Langum, and Rebecca Gorley.
We would also like to thank our campaign partners for their contributions, including Montague Simmons,
Michelle Higgins, Inez Bordeaux, Janos Marton and staff at the Advancement Project. Graphic design
support for the report from Young Kwon and Christina Isaiah. We thank everyone who spoke with the
research team and agreed to include their stories as examples of the marginalizing systems that exist in
St. Louis, especially Jasmine Borden, Inez Bordeaux, Gerald Wortham, and Diedre Wortham.
Thank you to our Black-owned union printshop: Pelican Printing.

“Nobody’s free until everybody’s free.” - Fannie Lou Hamer

This report is produced by the Close the Workhouse Campaign.
www.closetheworkhouse.org #closetheworkhouse

---------

CLOSE THE WORKHOUSE:----------- -
TABLE OF CONTENTS ---------------

A Plan to Close the Workhouse, Decarcerate Our City, and Reinvest in Community Well-being

EXECUTIVE SUMMARY

THE STORY OF THE WORKHOUSE

1. A History of Abuse
2. Another Jail Beyond Reform
3. Resistance and the Movement for Change

THE PEOPLE HARMED BY THE WORKHOUSE

1. The People: In Profile
2. The People: In Numbers
3. The Disproportionate Impact of the Workhouse and Cycles of Incarceration
on Black and Poor Communities

WHY THE WORKHOUSE MUST CLOSE ( and no new jail should replace it) 20
1. The Workhouse must close due to Inhumane & Unconstitutional Conditions
2. The Workhouse must close due to the Public Cost of Operating the Jail
3. The Workhouse must close due to Unconstitutional Pretrial Bail Practices

FROM ARREST & INCARCERATE TO COMMUNITY WELL-BEING 27
1. St. Louis’s Current Approach to “Public Safety” is Not Working
2. Investing in Community Well-Being: A New Vision

THE PLAN TO CLOSE THE WORKHOUSE

1. How St. Louis Mayor Lyda Krewson Can Close the Workhouse
2. How St. Louis Circuit Attorney Kim Gardner Can Close the Workhouse
3. How the St. Louis Board of Aldermen Can Close the Workhouse

CALL TO ACTION

----------THE STORY OF THE WORKHOUSE---------

The history of the Workhouse is a story of exploitation of the poor and communities of color. St.
Louis’s first jail began as a literal Workhouse, serving as a labor camp and debtors’ prison in
the 1800s. The modern Workhouse has a long, well-documented history of continued inhumane
conditions and abuses. This report and campaign is grounded on years of documentation and
mounting pressure through protests and lawsuits calling for change.

-A HISTORY OF ABUSE-

The history of the Workhouse is a story of the
exploitation of already marginalized St. Louis
communities. Over the years, there have been trails
of evidence that document the inhumane living
conditions, violence, and corruption in the
Workhouse.2 The history of the Workhouse is
grounded in St. Louis’s segregated history,
disproportionately harming Black communities and
notoriously caging and depriving the poor of
freedom in the name of public safety through the
criminal legal system. Since its inception, jails in St.
Louis, including the Workhouse, have notoriously
housed and harmed the poorest and most
marginalized members of our community.

1843: A ST. LOUIS CITY ORDINANCE
ESTABLISHES THE WORKHOUSE.

The first St. Louis Workhouse was established in
1843,3 roughly twenty years after Missouri was
granted statehood as a slave-holding Union State
through the Missouri Compromise of 1820.
The Workhouse was located in South St. Louis at
the corner of Broadway and Meramec Street.4 At
the original Workhouse–a debtors’ prison–the poor
and destitute in St. Louis were sentenced to manual
labor crushing limestone for city streets when
unable to pay their fines.5

Poverty was at the root of people’s incarceration:
“The reason why these men are in chains in the St. Louis
Workhouse is because they are poor. Probably many of
them are innocent, but certainly every one is ‘broke’.
There would be no more chance of a man with money
having chains put on him in tWorkhouse than there
would be a of a camel passing through the eye of a
needle. Has it come to this–that poverty itself has become
a crime?”7 (Post Dispatch, 1905)

As the Missouri Historical Society writes: “All day long,
inmates toiled making little stones out of big ones.
Women were sentenced to the Workhouse right beside
men, and in 1875 alone more than 1,100 women picked
up their hammers and headed to the rock yards.”6

This question continues to resound loudly in the jail’s
current form 113 years later. The Workhouse largely
serves as a cage for people waiting for trial and too
poor to afford to pay for their freedom.8

Headline from a 1905 Post-Dispatch Article Referencing the Workhouse

.ANOTHER JAIL BEYOND REFORM.
The current Workhouse was opened in 19669 and mirrored its historical roots as it continued to incarcerate
those too poor to afford their freedom from the inhumane conditions. The Workhouse soon became the target of
lawsuits and judicial interference due to the conditions in the jail: including inadequate sanitation, poor air
quality and ventilation, and abuse by guards.10 Many of these same conditions continue today.11 The jail’s history
provides one reason among many why the jail is beyond reform and must be closed.

Image of the newly constructed Workhouse from 1966
(Photo from Post-Dispatch)

1966: CURRENT WORKHOUSE IS BUILT.

Court ordered certain conditions- related reforms
and capped the jail’s capacity at 228 prisoners.

In 1966, the City moved the Workhouse from South
Broadway to North St. Louis.12 This move to North
St. Louis mimicked the racialized migration
patterns of the mid-twentieth century in St. Louis,
where white and richer communities moved
toward South St. Louis and Black communities
were segregated in Northern areas.13 The current
structure sits on Hall Street.

In 1982, after extending the conditions evaluation
to the Workhouse, Eastern District of Missouri
Federal Court Judge Clyde Cahill made a similar
determination of the Workhouse’s inhumane
conditions and ordered basic improvements to the
facility and its offered services be made.15

1990: A FEDERAL JUDGE HIGHLIGHTS THE JAIL’S
SYSTEMIC EXPLOITATION OF THE POOR.

1974: ST. LOUIS IS SUED FOR INHUMANE
CONDITIONS AT THE ST. LOUIS CITY JAIL AND
THE WORKHOUSE.

In a scathing 1990 opinion, Judge Cahill described
the systemic and disparate oppression promoted by
the jail16 in response to the lawsuit brought against
the City for the conditions at the Workhouse. He
found that targeted police actions and an
aggressive overuse of the criminal legal system
resulted in the mass incarceration of Black men
and the poor at the Workhouse.

In 1974, individuals detained at the old City Jail on
14th and Tucker brought a class action civil rights
lawsuit against the City for inhumane conditions. In
Tyler v. Percich, individuals detained described
inoperative toilets, inadequate ventilation,
inadequate lighting, and infestations of rats and
insects. The jail was overcrowded and individuals
were confined for 24 hours a day without
recreational opportunities.14

“Certain neighborhoods in St. Louis have become
the target of intensive police activity. . . . These
intrusive tactics, coupled with detention because
of poverty, lead to a destruction of confidence in
the criminal justice system.”17

The Court found that the conditions at the City
Jail violated the rights of those incarcerated
guaranteed by the Eighth and Fourteenth
Amendments to the Constitution. The judge
ordered that the jail be closed. Upon appeal, the

Judge Cahill noted the City courts’ and prosecutors’
frequent refusals to give low bonds or recognizance
bonds for low-level offenses and drug offenses. The

refusal meant that they were using jail as the
default which contributed to problems of
overcrowding in the City jails.
“Prisons and punishment alone cannot be the
answer—there must be encouragement,
assistance and above all, confidence in the
fairness of the legal system. Mass detention for
petty offenses now may give temporary relief but
it only postpones the misery to come.
Most of the persons now arrested for these
drug-related offenses are young black men from
North St. Louis. Their prospects are as bleak as
their surroundings. . .While the racial
connotations of this issue are seldom mentioned,
they may, nonetheless, be a factor in the public’s
perception of the drug problem. There are myths,
which have been partially developed by the media,
that only minorities are involved with drugs. The
City’s prison population, nearly all black,
perpetuates this misconception. The Court does
not believe that racial identity is used as a factor
in these matters; but nonetheless, because most
blacks who are arrested are poor, they are more
likely to be detained when denied recognizance.”18

Post-Dispatch article announcing the opening
of the City Justice Center in 2002

2009: ACLU RELEASES A SCATHING REPORT ON
ABUSES IN THE WORKHOUSE.
In light of continued inhumane conditions in St.
Louis’s city jails, advocates continued to mount
pressure for change. In 2009, the American Civil
Liberties Union (“ACLU”) of Eastern Missouri
released a report outlining rampant abuses, policy
violations, overcrowding, negligence, staff assaults
on individuals, systematic cover-up of incidents by
staff and higher-ups, and squalid conditions inside
of the Workhouse.22

Decades after Tyler v. Percich, the inhumane
conditions in the Workhouse bear a startling
resemblance to the conditions found decades ago.

2002: A NEW CITY JAIL IS BUILT ALONGSIDE THE
WORKHOUSE.
The City of St. Louis spent over $80 million dollars
constructing the City Justice Center, the City’s new
city jail.19 Although this "state-of-the-art" jail across
from City Hall is plagued by a culture of violence
and inhumane incarceration, the difference in the
cost of design and construction alone reveals the
deficiencies of the Workhouse.
Adjusted for inflation, the difference in expenses
between the two facilities is stark; today, the City
Justice Center would cost around $111 Million to
build while the Workhouse could be constructed for
only $15 Million.20
Despite pressure to decrease numbers of
incarcerated people in St. Louis, in 2002, the City
also completed an extension to the existing
Workhouse complex and increased its capacity to
1,222 beds.21

2013: ABUSE BY WORKHOUSE GUARDS
ESCALATES.
The Workhouse is infamous not only as a debtors’
prison and for its inhumane conditions, but also
because of its documented history of violence by
jail guards.23 For example:
● In April 2013, seven guards were fired from
the Workhouse for using excessive force
against a detainee. This incident was only
made public years later.24
● In May 2013, the Department of Justice
published a report classifying the Workhouse
as a facility with a “high rate of staff sexual
misconduct”. In a survey of 358 jails across the
country, the Workhouse ranked third for
reports of sexual misconduct by staff.25

●

In August 2013, two guards pled guilty to
hosting fights among detainees after being
caught on camera doing so.26 Individuals
detained at the Workhouse reported
“gladiator-style” fights where guards would
take people out of their cells, into common
areas, and force them to fight each other.27

The rampant and varied abuses documented for
over 100 years in St.
Louis’s jails have life
or death
consequences for
those incarcerated
there.28

RESISTANCE AND THE MOVEMENT FOR CHANGE-
organized to raise $25,000 to free people held
pretrial who could not afford to buy their freedom
by paying bond.

2017: PEOPLE DETAINED AT THE WORKHOUSE
SUE THE CITY.

Individuals incarcerated at the Workhouse brought
another class action civil rights suit around
inhumane conditions at the jail.31 The lawsuit
describes conditions amounting to “cruel and
unusual” punishment and violations of the Eighth
and Fourteenth Amendments of the U.S.
Constitution. The lawsuit is ongoing as of this
report’s publication.

Protestors demand Workhouse closure during 2017 heat wave.

2017: A HEAT WAVE BRINGS PROTESTS AND
DEMANDS TO CLOSE THE WORKHOUSE.

2018: THE CLOSE THE WORKHOUSE CAMPAIGN
Calls for change continued to mount, leading to
LAUNCHES.
large public calls for the jail’s closure amidst a heat
wave in the summer of 2017.29 In July 2017,
In 2018, individuals previously incarcerated at the
temperatures reached a record high of 108
30
Workhouse partnered with
Fahrenheit. People inside
community organizations,
the jail could be heard
legal advocates, and allies to
screaming through the jail’s
launch the Close the
windows pleading for their
Workhouse
campaign.32 The
lives.
campaign is intentionally
grounded in the leadership of
The St. Louis community
people directly impacted by the
organized a noise
horrors of the Workhouse. The
demonstration outside the
campaign calls for a
jail to show solidarity with
permanent closure of the
people inside the
Workhouse, decarceration
Workhouse. Activists called
reforms so no new jail is built,
on officials to close the
and more equitable
Workhouse. ArchCity
investments of funds currently
Defenders, Action St. Louis,
used to operate the jail.
Protestors rally at the Close the Workhouse
and Decarcerate St. Louis
Campaign launch in July 2018

-----

THE PEOPLE HARMED---- -----------
BY THE WORKHOUSE---------------

The Workhouse is a blight on the City of St. Louis and we are all worse off for allowing it to remain
open. The Workhouse disproportionately impacts specific communities in St. Louis and mirrors the
targeting of police arrest practices and other structurally marginalizing state institutions and
practices. The vast majority of people at the Workhouse have not been convicted of any crime; are
there because they have been targeted, over-charged and cannot afford to pay for their freedom; and
most are Black men who lack representation. The Workhouse harms not only those incarcerated, but
also their families and communities.
The impact of even one day in the Workhouse can be devastating for someone’s life. While
incarcerated, people lose their jobs, housing, and income, in addition to the immediate loss of one’s
liberty. The following stories are from leaders of the Campaign to Close the Workhouse and depict
some of the realities of the Workhouse.

INEZ BORDEAUX: THE HOPELESSNESS OF THE WORKHOUSE
“I say all the time that the Workhouse is a hopeless place. When you first walk in you can feel the
hopelessness. You can feel the desperation.” Inez Bordeaux is a St. Louis native, who ended up in the
Workhouse awaiting a court hearing for allegedly violating probation. She was sentenced to probation but
never assigned a probation officer and so did not report. In spring 2016, she was stopped while driving and
arrested for failing to report to a non-existent
probation officer, and transferred to the
Workhouse.
Inez’s bond was set at $25,000. She earned less
than $1,000 per month. Unable to pay even 10%
of her $25,000 bond, she spent 30 days in the
Workhouse awaiting a probation violation
hearing. During those 30 days, Inez describes the
Workhouse as a hopeless place with black mold
on the walls, stopped up toilets, holes in the
ceiling, and rats running under cell doors.
A mother of four, Inez was held in solitary
confinement for the first three days in the
Inez at a Close the Workhouse Campaign
Workhouse after being deemed a suicide risk.
meeting in the summer of 2018
“The nurse she deemed me a suicide risk
because I was upset and I was crying about
being in jail. I was crying because I was separated from my children and devastated to be in the worst place
possible.” Inez said. “And so they deemed me a suicide risk and they took me to the women’s pod and they took
all my clothes away. They gave me a suicide smock and they left me in that room for three days.”
Inez has twenty-years experience working as a Licensed Practical Nurse and knew better. “I know for a fact
that when someone has mental health issues, if someone does have suicidal ideation, if someone is having

thoughts about harming themselves, you don’t lock them in a room for three days. You don’t.”
Today, Inez continues to feel the impact of the Workhouse on her life. On what she lost while in the Workhouse,
Inez said,“The time with my kids, the educational opportunities, the jobs, the money.” Because of her
incarceration, Inez lost her nursing license and spent a year trying to get it back. She is working as a nurse again
and back with her children. Now, she is committed to leading the movement to close the Workhouse.

JASMINE BORDEN: THE DESTABILIZATION OF FAMILY LIFE
AND THWARTED DREAMS

Jasmine Borden moved to St. Louis in hopes of a better life for her and her four children. Her sister told
her that St. Louis would offer her better opportunities than she had in Sacramento, California, where she was
born and raised. Her life in St. Louis was going well—she had a job, her kids were in daycare, she had a house
she liked, a landlord she got along with, and she had even bought a car so that she could pick up some extra
shifts at work. Jasmine said, “I was living the American Dream when out of nowhere my life just changed. It
changed all because I got arrested while driving.”
In the summer of 2017, police arrested Jasmine after she got into a car accident. Her bond was set at $10,000 and
the judge ordered that it must be paid in full with cash in order for her to be released. On that day, Jasmine
remembers thinking, “I don't have $10,000 just saved away in an account somewhere. So, that that was the
scariest thing because I realized, ‘How long do I have to wait to make this bond? How can I make this bond?
Who is going to post this bond? When is my next court date?’” Jasmine realized that to fight her charge meant
she would remain incarcerated.

“I was living the American Dream … It changed all
because I got arrested.”

Jasmine describes the Workhouse as a place unfit for any human being. “The conditions that you’re living in:
the mold, the rats, the recycled air. You can’t even go outside and get fresh air,” Jasmine said.
When Jasmine finally obtained free representation with the Public Defenders’ office two months later, her
lawyer argued a bond reduction motion. The judge reset her bond to 10% cash on a $5,000 bond; the community
could pay the $500 bond so she could escape the Workhouse.
While she was incarcerated, Jasmine lost her income leading to her losing her
housing and many of her belongings. She was also separated from her children
who were bounced around homes, living with her relatives. Jasmine’s harrowing
experience at the Workhouse has had a long-term effect on her life, impacting
her mental health, and leaving her concerned about the residual emotional
distress her children might experience from the family’s separation. Though
Jasmine has worked hard to successfully rebuild her life after her incarceration,
she still lives in constant fear that everything may fall apart again. “The
Workhouse has changed my life so dramatically. I'm still a part of it because at
any time anything I do can end me up back there.”

.
.

GERALD WORTHAM: A NEARLY FATAL INCARCERATION IN THE.
WORKHOUSE AND THE PROFITEERING SUPERVISION SYSTEM

.
.

Gerald Wortham’s experiences in the Workhouse were not only emotionally devastating, but nearly fatal.
Gerald was arrested in May 2017 and brought to the Workhouse. Gerald suffers from sickle cell anemia, a
genetic blood disorder that can cause severe medical complications and a disease that disproportionately
impacts Black people. The conditions at the Workhouse exacerbated the symptoms of Gerald’s illness and the
inadequate medical care offered him no treatment. The jail’s excessive heat left him dangerously dehydrated.
The exposure to dirt, black mold, and biological contaminants in the Workhouse from rats and mice worsened
Gerald’s breathing problems and increased his oxygen deprivation.
Gerald felt his health deteriorating and asked to visit the nurse. The nurse took his vitals and assured a
distressed Gerald that he was okay. Gerald was sent back to his cell where he sat suffering for another four days.
Corrections officers refused to provide Gerald with his needed medications for his sickle cell anemia and
instead laughed at his pain. On his fifth day at the Workhouse, Gerald fell unconscious in a chair while he was
waiting to eat. “I was only in there for 5 days and I was losing my life.”

“I was only [in the Workhouse] for five days
and I was losing my life.”
Gerald said, “I was suffering for 5 days and it took like a head nurse to actually
look up my medical records and see that I didn't belong in there.” It was only
then that Gerald was transported to the hospital and, on that same day, he was
able to pay his bond and was freed from St. Louis’s custody. “I feel like I saved
my own life by paying for my freedom.” He was released directly to the hospital.
One condition of his bond required Gerald to report to a private supervision
company at a cost of $300 per month. Gerald cannot afford this and risks being
re-arrested and returned to the Workhouse, where he fears he could be the jail’s
latest death statistic.
“It seems that the
inhumane conditions
are getting worse. This
jail should have been
shut down by now. This
is something I wouldn’t
wish on anyone.”

“I have suffered greatly while
incarcerated at the Workhouse.
My mental health was heavily
impacted and my family has yet
to recover from the devastation
that followed my incarceration
at the facility.”

“There is no panic button in case
of emergency in our cells. The
officers are supposed to check
on the cells, but they only come
if someone screams through the
bottom of the door and they hear.”

THE PEOPLE IN NUMBERS: WHO IS INCARCERATED?
It is difficult to get complete demographic, bond, charge, and case disposition data from the City of St. Louis. The
City selectively releases data in a way that helps it justify its arrest-and-incarcerate model and the lack of
transparency has made it difficult for many groups to organize around different approaches. We obtained data
that provides a snapshot of the reality of the Workhouse, in numbers, from March 2018.

This section breaks down the demographics of those in the Workhouse, their charges, and their average
bond amounts.

Percentage

40
30
20
10
0

21 and Under
21
22-31
22-31 32-41 42-51 52-61 62-71
32-41
42-51
52-61
62-71

Age Range

Age demographics of individuals incarcerated
at the Workhouse (City Population Data, 2018)

Race and Sex of People at the Workhouse
1250
Number of People Incarcerated

Ages of People at the Workhouse

The bar graph to the right shows the age range of
those detained at the Workhouse. Notably, 70% of
those detained are between 22 and 41 years old, a
time when many adults have many family and
financial responsibilities.33
Taking into account the data from the graph below,
incarcerating mostly young Black men during these
formative years destabilizes Black communities and
families, shifting a huge economic burden to Black
women and other family members who are working
and raising children. It also impacts opportunities
available to individuals at the start of their adult
lives.

1000

750

500

250

Black Men
Men

White Men
Men

Black Women
Women

White Women

Race and Sex Information of People at the
Workhouse (City Population Data, 2018)

The City of St. Louis is 49% Black,34 but the
incarcerated population of the Workhouse is 89%
Black.35
Black men constitute the overwhelming majority
of people incarcerated at the Workhouse due to the
targeting of Black communities for low-level
crimes. This is due both to systemic racism in the
policing and criminal legal system and social
marginalization that has pushed Black
communities into poverty. The St. Louis
Metropolitan Police Department overpolices Black
neighborhoods for low-level traffic infractions36
and criminal issues causing these communities to
be trapped in a cycle of warrants, fees and fines,
incarceration, and state surveillance.37

THE PEOPLE IN NUMBERS: WHAT THEY ARE CHARGED WITH?
Understanding the background criminal charge justification for people’s incarceration is important, but should not
be determinative of their treatment nor representative of their experience at the Workhouse. An evaluation of what
people are charged with at the Workhouse demonstrates that the vast majority of people are detained pretrial
despite the fact that they are charged only with non-serious and non-dangerous crimes.

Flags:

Why People are Incarcerated at the Workhouse

● The vast majority of people at the
FELONY
Workhouse have only been charged (not
38
convicted) of a crime.
● Charging decisions are made solely by the
MISDEMEANOR
Circuit Attorney’s Office and often based
only on facts provided by the police on
ORDINANCE
police reports. Even the Circuit Attorney’s
Office has admitted to the uncredible nature
PAROLE VIOLATION
of some of these reports.39
W/PENDING CHARGES
● Many of these charges will be dismissed or
amended.
TECHNICAL PROBATION
VIOLATION ONLY
● Charge information may reflect a practice of
overcharging by prosecutors’ offices
PROBATION VIOLATION
W/PENDING CHARGES
pressuring individuals to plead.
● Charge information reflects a broader
0
0
50
50 100 150 200 250 300
100
150
200
250
300
350+
classification issue in Missouri where

PRETRIAL
PRETRIAL CONFINED
CONFINED
non-serious charges are over-classified as
Graph depicting the legal justification for an individual’s incarceration
felonies as opposed to misdemeanors in
at the Workhouse (based on City Population data from 2018).
other states.
● When discussing the criminal legal system,
most people default to speaking in the language of the state. In this report, we do not use terms such as
“inmate”, “criminal”, or “offender” because these words reduce a person to a one-dimensional identity,
framed only as a threat, while removing the context of their situation, history, and role in the community.
The people in the Workhouse are members of communities, neighbors, friends, and family.

A Breakdown of what People are Charged with at the Workhouse

Our Classification of Charges

Serious Charges
Less Serious
Charges

A graph illustrating a different
categorization for charges of individuals
incarcerated at the Workhouse.
(based on March 2018 data on file
at ArchCity Defenders)

It is important that we re-examine our classification of charges in
order to better understand what people are charged with and how
the classification of crimes and charging decisions are used to justify
pretrial detention.
This chart and the categories defined by the Close the Workhouse team
help us re-examine what constitutes a threat to public safety based on
the seriousness of the crime charged.
For the purposes of this chart, we defined less serious charges as all
misdemeanors, drug-related charges, resisting arrest, and poverty
crimes, such as stealing small amounts or being unable to afford
child support. For serious offenses we included all charges that
involved violence or would be in any way threatening to a
community’s safety.

HOW ARE CRIMES CATEGORIZED BY THE CITY
In Missouri, state crimes can be
categorized as felonies or
misdemeanors. Missouri law
categorizes many more crimes as
felonies than other states. There are
five categories of felonies that
range from Felony A to E and may
include a sentence of at least one
year. There are five categories of
misdemeanors (Misdemeanor A
through D and unclassified) and
individuals can be sentenced with
up to one year in jail and/or fines.40

THE PEOPLE IN NUMBERS: WHY PEOPLE REMAIN INCARCERATED
PRETRIAL & BAIL PRACTICES IN ST. LOUIS?
Over 95% of people at the Workhouse have not been convicted of any crime and remain incarcerated only because
they are too poor to pay for their freedom. The median bond at the Workhouse is a staggering and unaffordable
$25,000 due to the unconstitutional bail setting practices in St. Louis. A very small number of individuals at the
Workhouse are released on their own promise to return. They are instead incarcerated without any justification
and at great cost to their communities and taxpayers.

Bond practices in St. Louis are falling far behind the progress being made in other large cities.

For exa mple, only a very sma ll number of people in St. Louis a re relea sed ba sed on their own promise to
a ppea r in court —a policy successfully ca rried out in other cities a cross the country. The va st ma jority
(96%) must pay for their relea se from ja il. This is compa red to only 15% in Wa shington, D.C., 40% in New
York City, a nd 60% in Phila delphia .

Graphs Depicting Comparative Rates of Release
St. Louis

New York City

Philadelphia

Washington, D.C.
15.0%

39.8%

40.0%
60.0%

60.2%

96.0%
Bail Set
Released Only on Promise to Appear
Not only are the vast majority of people in St. Louis custody
incarcerated on bond, but bond amounts are much higher
in St. Louis.

85.0%

Average Bond Set
Total

Felony

For exa mple, the a vera ge bond a mount is $35,000
Misdemeanor
($17,000 for misdemea nors a nd $37,000 for felonies).
This is compared to average bond amounts under $10,000
in New York City41 and much lower amounts in St. Louis
$0.00
$0.00 $10,000.00
$10,000.00 $20,000.00 $30,000.00
$20,000.00
$30,000.00
County. The discrepancies are more clear when comparing
Graph depicting the average bond amount for
specific bond amounts for charges between St. Louis City
individuals incarcerated at the Workhouse (based on
and St. Louis County. In the city, the average bond amount
March 2018 data on file at ArchCity Defenders)
for the charge of unlawful possession of a firearm is
unofficially automatically set at $30,000 compared to in the
WHAT IS A BOND?
county where it is set at an average of $8,417.42
After an individual is arrested, a judge has
However, cash bond is not the only way to condition release. Other
the ability to choose whether to release
courts and other states use other types of “conditions” of release. These
them on promise that they will appear at
their next court date or, alternatively, to
include “signature bonds” where an individual may be released based
set an amount of money (called bond OR
on a promise under oath to appear, “property bonds”, or through loans
bail used interchangeably in St. Louis) that
from bail bond companies who then pay a portion of the bond in
someone must pay in order to be released
exchange for the person’s release.
while their case advances. If they cannot
post their bond, they remain incarcerated.

THE DISPROPORTIONATE IMPACT OF THE WORKHOUSE
& CYCLES OF INCARCERATION ON BLACK AND POOR COMMUNITIES

The Workhouse disproportionately impacts poor and Black communities in St. Louis adding to
and mirroring the various forms of systemic oppression that people from these communities
already face.
“The prison therefore functions ideologically as an abstract site into which undesirables are deposited,
relieving us of the responsibility of thinking about the real issues afflicting those communities from which
prisoners are drawn in such disproportionate numbers.”
Angela Y. Davis, Are Prisons Obsolete?
The conditions of incarceration at the Workhouse unequally impact the citizens of St. Louis. As the data presented in
“The People: In Numbers” demonstrates, Black and poor residents make up a disproportionate number of those
incarcerated in the Workhouse. The class and racial disparities present in the Workhouse do not exist in isolation.
Those communities disproportionately impacted by the Workhouse are also those targeted and impacted by other
forms of structural inequality in St. Louis. The Workhouse is just one piece in of a larger system of oppression faced
by poor Black communities in St. Louis.

Poverty
Poverty Level
Level

Whites
Whites

31%

African
Americans
Americans

Image illustrating the disparity
between Black and White poverty in St.
Louis City and County: Percent living
below the poverty line.
(Graph from the For the Sake of All report).

The Workhouse impacts Black people
disadvantaged by historic and
continued marginalization and
segregation.

communities. At the same time, many white
families, and their tax dollars, moved from the city
into segregated suburbs. Due to this “white flight”,
businesses and banks continued to divest from
Black communities.

Historic and current government policies and
practices impact St. Louis today, leaving the city
segregated by class and race. Running East and
West, Delmar Boulevard was previously one of the
“red-lines” that systematically separated Black and
white communities during the Jim Crow era.43

St. Louis communities remained geographically
segregated by race and black neighborhoods
continued to struggle with lower home values, less
wealth, a smaller tax base, and the resulting
wide-ranging oppression.44 For example, Black
communities in North St. Louis face higher rates of
poverty, lower educational outcomes, fewer
employment opportunities, poorer health, and
higher rates of incarceration.45 These historical
patterns are exacerbated by government policies
that continue to under-invest in Black community
development; instead, offering only policing and
incarceration as solutions.

Several other prominent government policies
ensured that white communities built wealth, while
denying access to Black communities. For example,
until the late 1960s, the Federal Housing
Administration refused to provide government
backed mortgages in Black neighborhoods. Because
home ownership is the primary way that families
build wealth, this policy contributed to a large and
long-standing wealth gap between Black and white

Black communities in the Workhouse
are also more likely to face systemic
adversity in other facets of their lives,
including:

criminals and law enforcement efforts in
poor Black communities have been
incentivized. The police targeting of Black
people continues today, especially in St.
Louis, and these efforts result in the
disproportionate incarceration of Black
residents.48
ż Individuals who are homeless are also
targeted by the police and the criminal
legal system, through policies that
criminalize panhandling, loitering, and
unlawful assembly.
ż Individuals living with mental illness
are overly represented in the
Workhouse. Untrained Workhouse
guards are often left to act as de facto
mental healthcare providers.49
Additionally, the conditions at the
Workhouse can be so traumatic that
they give rise to serious mental illness.

Health: Inadequate investments lead to
poor neighborhood conditions and a
deficiency of resources that elsewhere
promote good health in segregated regions.
This leads to many fast food restaurants,
few or no quality grocery stores, and
adverse health outcomes for individuals
living in segregated poor and Black
communities.46
Education: A lack of school funding and
quality teaching staff leads to racialized
disparities in educational performance and
attainment in segregated poor and Black
communities.47
Policing and Incarceration: Since slavery,
Black people have been branded as

Incarceration, Unemployment, Education, and Arrest
Statistics in St. Louis City and St. Louis County
broken down by Race.
County
St. Louis County

St. Louis City

Total Black
Population

23.2%

46.7%

Total White
Population

68.5%

43.5%

INCARCERATED POPULATION
Total Numbers: 2293 (County) 1300 (City)
Black

1264 (54%)

956 (74%)

White

1029 (44%)

336 (26%)

UNEMPLOYMENT STATUS For the POPULATION 16 and Over
Average: 9% (County) 14% (City)
Black

18%

26%

White

MEDIAN HOUSEHOLD INCOME
Black

$35,757

$21,931

White

$65,500

$49,192

HIGHEST LEVEL of EDUCATION ACHIEVED by those 25 and over
Black

46% High School or less; 54% College or more

White

27% High School or less; 73% College or more

STOPS, SEARCHES, ARRESTS by ST. LOUIS POLICE
Black

38% of Stops
44% of Searches
46% of Arrests

64% of Stops
73% of Searches
73% of Arrests

White

60% of Stops
54% of Searches
52% of Arrests

33% of Stops
26% of Searches
26% of Arrests

------ -WHY THE WORKHOUSE MUST CLOSE--- ----
It is clear to those directly impacted by the Workhouse why it must close and why it cannot be
remedied with a new jail. The abhorrent jail conditions, the high public cost of operating the
facility, and its role in the unconstitutional and inhumane practice of pretrial incarceration
because detainees are too poor to afford their freedom are three distinguishing reasons why
the Workhouse must close.

1. The Workhouse must close due to
INHUMANE & UNCONSTITUTIONAL CONDITIONS

Individuals incarcerated at the Workhouse describe consistent stories of abusive and unconstitutional
conditions, dangerous temperatures, inadequate medical care, little to no mental health and drug
addiction treatment, and abuse by guards. These conditions are well documented in the ACLU of Eastern
Missouri’s 2009 report “Suffering in Silence”,50 and ArchCity Defenders’ 2017 civil rights lawsuit.51 The
conditions in the Workhouse make it an inhumane facility that violates the constitutional and human
rights of people incarcerated and it must be closed.
Unsanitary and Dangerous Conditions
“During
“Duringmy
mytime
time[in
[inthe
theWorkhouse],
Workhouse],
there
there was
wasmold
moldininthe
theshowers.
showers.
TheThe
food
food
The complaints outlining physical conditions at the
Workhouse are consistent and vast. Detainees report
was
was unbearable.
unbearable.I wouldn’t
I wouldn’t
feed
feed
it toit to
toilets, sinks, and showers that overflow, leak, or do not work
altogether.52 They report bed bugs, rats, and rodents in the cells, an animal.
animal.There
Therewere
wereroaches
roaches
and
and
rats.
rats.
dorms, and kitchen,53 as well as mold in the food and on the
The
The staff
staffwere
werevery
veryunprofessional.
unprofessional.
They
They
walls.54 Detainees often cite the deterioration of the physical
building detailing experiences of being rained on because of the
would
in the
wouldpurposely
purposelyput
putenemies
enemies
in the
lack of window coverings, insects entering the building through
55
openings, and ceilings caving in.
same living
could
seesee
same
livingfacility
facilitysosothey
they
could
entertainment
entertainment ofofGladiators.”
Gladiators.”
The building conditions along with the lack of sanitation in the
Workhouse cause detainees to experience a number of health

–– Carl
CarlHill
Hill
issues. For example, mats and beds are not regularly sanitized,
and vomit and fecal matter are found on surfaces where inmates
are housed.56 Additionally, detainees are often denied access to bathing and regular hygiene procedures and
products, including showering, clean uniforms, and towels.57 Coupled with poor air circulation, the conditions at
the Workhouse produce a threatening air quality that has caused general breathing problems, asthma attacks
and seizures among detainees.58 These conditions have also led to widespread staph infections that remain an
ongoing problem.59
The conditions of the building are non-compliant with St. Louis City Building Code, which states that
buildings are not up to code if they are “unsafe, unsanitary or deficient because of inadequate...facilities,
inadequate light and ventilation… or are otherwise dangerous to human life or the public welfare…”60 The
Workhouse violates all of the conditions of this code and the code requires that non-compliant buildings be
taken down, removed, or made safe.

Excessive Temperatures
The temperatures inside the Workhouse
reach dangerous extremes. People are
confined to dormitories with brick walls and
concrete floors year-round without regular
temperature control.61 Some Workhouse
dormitories have old, boarded-up windows
preventing proper ventilation.62 Last summer alone
temperatures climbed to 130 inside the building.63
People detained at the Workhouse have suffered
health complications from the dangerously high
temperatures inside including dehydration, heat
exhaustion, asthma attacks, and heat rashes.64 One
detainee described sweating through five shirts in
one day from the heat.65

assaulted a detainee at the Workhouse. The
assault was in retaliation for a prior incident
involving the detainee.69 In one case documented
by the ACLU, a corrections officer entered the cell
of a 130-pound, 16-year-old detainee, stomped him,
punched him, and kicked him in the face.70 In
another incident officers punched, kicked, and beat
detainees with billy clubs.71
People detained at the Workhouse often complain
of needless deployment of mace by corrections
officers. One individual declares, “They spray mace
and laugh about it. It seems as if it’s designed to
create chaos in the dorms.”72 Detainees also
complain of unnecessary use of force, especially
mass punishment for the actions of one individual.
“I’ve noticed that officers will often treat an inmate
badly based on the behavior of some other inmates.
Often we will get collectively punished because one
inmate misbehaved.”73

Detainees also report extreme cold in the winter,
heaters in the dormitories that are never turned on,
and inadequate blankets. One individual reports,
“We were provided two thin sheets and one blanket
in the wintertime, and it was never sufficient to
keep us warm. Men would walk around the dorms
in the daytime wearing their blankets because it
was so cold.”66

Inadequate or Nonexistent Medical Care
Sick and injured detainees at the
Workhouse receive slow and
inadequate medical care. In 2015, a
local CBS affiliate, KMOV, reported that
one detainee struck his head in the shower and
attempted to obtain medical treatment but was not
given adequate medical care.74 Ultimately, he lost
his hearing completely.75
Similarly, individuals with chronic conditions are
often denied the correct medication or denied
medication entirely. One detainee with sickle cell
anemia reported, “I was in so much pain...I thought
I was going to die. When I finally saw the nurse...I
explained to her that I get regular blood
transfusions, and that my doctor gives me folic acid
and serious medications to control my pain. She
ignored me and I was given Tylenol two hours
later."76
Care is non-existent for individuals requiring
drug addiction treatment despite the fact that so
many individuals at the Workhouse are awaiting
trial for drug-related charges.77 Many also report
being in treatment prior to their arrest and losing
access to this treatment due to their pretrial
incarceration.78

Abusive and Rampant Use of Solitary
Confinement
The Workhouse forces individuals into
solitary confinement without a hearing. Individuals
incarcerated at the Workhouse report that solitary
confinement is used for a set of situations that
range from serious medical and mental health
conditions, disciplinary segregation,
punishment for breaking a code of conduct, or
retaliation for speaking out. Approximately 196
people out of 1200 in St. Louis’s custody are
incarcerated in administrative segregation.67
Individuals in solitary confinement (also known as
“the hole” or “administrative segregation”) are
often only allowed out of their cells a few hours
a week and restricted from accessing recreation
facilities phone calls to their families and attorneys.
In the summer of 2018, incarcerated individuals
have reported that everyone incarcerated at the
Workhouse spends their first few days in “the
hole.”68
Abuse and Assault by Jail Guards
Correctional officers frequently assault and
abuse Workhouse detainees. In 2015, the City
of St. Louis fired seven officers after they

No Mental Healthcare
There is no mental healthcare available to
individuals incarcerated at the jail. The City has a
contract with Corizon Health, Inc., to provide
behavioral and mental healthcare services to
people detained in St. Louis city jails—but people
have to request treatment, and their requests for
medication or access to a psychiatrist can be, and
are often denied.79 Individuals incarcerated at the
Workhouse testify to being denied their prescribed
mental health medications. This flat rate payment
system to Corizon ($3.7 million per year)
incentivizes Corizon to cut corners with the care
provided because Corizon keeps whatever they
don’t spend.80 The contract puts the health interests
of incarcerated people directly in conflict with the
economic interests of the company contracted by
the City to care for them.81 As a result, the
Workhouse guards haved used solitary
confinement to restrain individuals exhibiting
serious mental health symptoms.

Incarcerated people living with mental health
conditions are at an increased risk of becoming
victims of physical abuse, sexual assault, and
suicide.82 They are also likely to remain
incarcerated for longer periods of time than
individuals who do not experience mental illness.83
Inadequate mental health care can also be
life-threatening. Over the course of nine months
in 2000, seven people being held at the
Workhouse committed suicide by hanging
themselves in their cells.84 According to the
Riverfront Times, guards were untrained in CPR and
lacked the tools necessary to cut the sheets used for
hanging.85
No Grievance Process to Address Conditions
It is very difficult for incarcerated individuals to
file grievances or otherwise complain about their
treatment at the jail. Although locked complaint
boxes exist to file grievances, detainees continue to
describe having to give their complaints to the
same jail guards who abused them, and then facing
retaliation by being placed on lockdown or in
solitary confinement.86 One
individual reports, “I filed a
complaint and when the guard
received it, the guard called the
Lieutenant and said I had
threatened him.”87 Detainees also
describe how complaints almost
always go unanswered. On detainee
reports, “It is a waste of time to talk
or file a grievance. I have never
received an answer for any
complaint.”88
Complaints about conditions from
Workhouse employees also go
unanswered or are cause for
retaliation. This year, a former
Captain filed a lawsuit against St.
Louis City and his superiors,
claiming he was fired for
complaining about conditions and
encouraging those incarcerated to
file grievances. The only witness to
testify against the former Captain in
a pre-termination hearing was St.
Louis Corrections Commissioner,
Dale Glass.89

2. The Workhouse must close due to
THE PUBLIC COST OF OPERATING THE JAIL
The City of St. Louis spends $16 million every year to operate the Workhouse. It costs $16,300 to incarcerate
By closing the Workhouse, St. Louis has an opportunity to create a permanent shift in the
one person per year.90
way we think about public safety by reallocating investments into new solutions. Investing in the people of St.
Louis, instead of policing and incarceration, will lift up individuals and communities that have been
disproportionately impacted by the criminal legal system—and create a safer, more just St. Louis.

St. Louis Spends the Majority of Its Budget on a Failed Arrest-and-Incarcerate
Approach to Public Safety
In recent years, the City of St. Louis has spent
hundreds of millions of dollars on programs that
fall under the category of “public safety.” In 2019,
the City will devote $290 million, over half of its
general fund, to public safety. In contrast, the
City of St. Louis will spend less than $1.6 million on
human services. That means St. Louis will spend
187 times more on public safety than what the
Department of Human Services receives to provide
the City with “social service programs to the aged,
homeless, veterans, disabled, youth, and families in need.”

This pie chart represents the
city’s general fund in 2019.
This tiny white sliver represents
everything the city is going to
spend on human services in
2019 – less than $1.6 million, or
about 0.03% of the general fund.

70% of the money allocated for public safety is currently used for policing and incarceration. In 2019, the
St. Louis City police, their retirement fund, and the city’s jails will receive almost $208 million—over 70% of the
$290 million earmarked for public safety. As of August 2018, residents in St. Louis voted to approve a $50
million bond that provides additional money to this same arrest-and-incarcerate approach. The Board of
Aldermen are able to re-allocate any funds earmarked for police or jails because it is General Fund money.

We must reinvest in a new vision of public safety.
Research shows that the arrest-and-incarcerate model does not make us safer (see page 27):91
●
●

National increases in incarceration correspond with a roughly 0% decrease in crime.
Increased law enforcement efforts have only resulted in the targeting of poor and Black communities
for non-serious criminal violations without creating additional protection for communities.92

Instead of spending money on police and jails, we can use the $16 million to fund programs that build
stronger communities and expand opportunities for all residents in St. Louis. This funding could be re-allocated
through the annual budget process and could fund (see pages 28 through 30):

Affordable housing

More equitable city programs, like equitable public
transportation, affordable and accessible child care and
expanded reentry wrap-around services.

Community-based mental healthcare
Economic and educational opportunities

Retraining for current Workhouse employees into
alternative City employment.
Neighborhood based community spaces open to all.

3. The Workhouse must close due to
UNCONSTITUTIONAL PRETRIAL BAIL PRACTICES
Over 95% of the people incarcerated at the Workhouse are there pretrial, which means
they have not been convicted of a crime. St. Louis incarcerates many more people pretrial
than the national average.93
There are many problems with the practice of keeping people incarcerated pretrial and cash bail in St. Louis:
The process for setting bail is unconstitutional.
Cash bail discriminates against the poor by keeping them in jail because they cannot afford to buy their
freedom.
Pretrial incarceration affects outcomes at trial and sentencing, in addition to consequences related to
the loss of liberty including loss of income, separation from children, and loss of housing.
St. Louis over-incarcerates pretrial
detainees when compared to the
state and national average
In St. Louis, only 4% of people are
released without bail, compared to
85% in Washington D.C., 60% in New
York City, and 40% in Philadelphia.
On average, individuals incarcerated in
St. Louis face approximately 291 days
in detention.94 This is the second
longest period of pretrial detention in
the state, with the state average at
191.95 St. Louis County’s average of 254
days.96
Long periods of pretrial detention stem
from the incredibly high bail amounts
set in St. Louis that prevent individuals
from being able to afford their pretrial
freedom. The median bail for an
individual incarcerated pretrial at
the Workhouse is $25,000, compared
to an median bond amount of $10,000
for felony cases across the country.97

“Some
“Somepeople
peopleatatthe
theWorkhouse
Workhouse
hadhad

There are significant consequences to pretrial
incarceration
Individuals who are incarcerated pretrial, even if only for a
few days, face many consequences that are similar to
individuals sentenced to jail or prison time. Pretrial detention
impacts an individual’s life far beyond their loss of liberty.

$500
$500 bonds
bondsbut
butstill
stillcouldn’t
couldn’t
make
make
it. it.
That
That makes
makessense
sense– –that’s
that’srent!”
rent!”

–– Jasmine
Jasmine Borden
Borden

Consequences of pretria l inca rcera tion include:
Loss of income and wages because missing
just one day of work can even result in
someone losing their job;
Loss of housing and missed payments on
bills because individuals cannot work or pay bills while incarcerated;
Restricted access to counsel because it is much more difficult to communicate with a lawyer from jail
and nearly impossible to gather evidence;
Loss of physical and/or legal custody of children;
An increase of mental illness symptoms because conditions in jail can put an individual under a lot
of stress and restrict access to needed
medications, exacerbating or even causing
mental illness;98
Increased risk of sexual assault with
rampant assault in St. Louis jails, especially
in the first few days of incarceration;99
Disparate results in criminal cases as
individuals who remain incarcerated pretrial
have a 13% increased chance of being found
guilty, have a 21% increased chance they will
plead guilty, are 4 times more likely to be
sentenced to jail, and have 3 times longer jail
sentences (an average of 4.6 months longer)
than those free while waiting for their trial;
and/or100
Increased recidivism, or committing a
future crime, as individuals incarcerated for
any amount of time have much higher rates
of committing crimes in the future.

The process and practice of keeping individuals incarcerated pretrial
violates the U.S. Constitution
The process for setting bail in St. Louis:
When someone is arrested in St. Louis, a City of St. Louis Bond Commissioner will recommend a bond amount
they have to pay to be released from jail. This amount is based purely on
the police’s reason for the individual’s arrest, as well as the individual’s past
criminal record. It does not take into consideration an individual’s ties to
the community, other evidence related to whether they are a public safety
risk or whether the individual can afford the bond.
Individuals who are incarcerated in St. Louis do not have a hearing where
they can challenge their bond amount until they have an attorney who
requests a hearing. Since most individuals who are arrested cannot afford a
private attorney, if they cannot pay their bond they must wait in jail until
the public defender decides whether to take their case, enters his or her
appearance, and begins the representation, a process that usually takes
four to six weeks.101

Bail setting practices as a violation of the U.S. Constitution and Missouri law:
Under the U.S. Constitution, individuals have a right to pretrial liberty. This right means that a prosecutor
should be required to argue that it is necessary for someone to remain incarcerated while awaiting trial because
they are at risk to public safety or a flight risk. Instead, individuals in St. Louis must argue why they deserve to
be released. This practice is unconstitutional. It is supposed to be the prosecutor’s burden to argue a reason for
pretrial detention. Additionally, where bail is set so high that individuals cannot afford it, the prosecutor and
judge are effectively imposing mandatory incarceration, which requires a much higher standard and specific
due process requirements that must be met when
imposed.102
Under Missouri State Law and the State Constitution,
a person should only be incarcerated pretrial when a
court believes an individual will not attend court or that
they are a risk to public safety.103 In fact, the Missouri
Supreme Court demands that financial resources of the
defendant be taken into account when setting the
conditions of their release.104
There are many proven alternatives to pretrial
incarceration that ensure public safety and that
individuals return to court, including reminders for
court, and transportation and childcare while in court.

------ FROM ARREST-AND-INCARCERATE TO ------
------------ COMMUNITY WELL-BEING-------------

St. Louis’s current approach to public safety - arresting and incarcerating target
communities - has failed. This section explains St. Louis’s current approach, why it is not
working, and why it would be more effective to fund local programs that further a holistic
notion of community well-being instead of policing and incarceration.

ST. LOUIS’S CURRENT APPROACH TO “PUBLIC SAFETY” IS NOT WORKING

St. Louis City Police gather in riot gear downtown in response to protests the
day Jason Stockley was acquitted for the murder of Anthony Lamar Smith.

St. Louis's current approach to “public safety”
consists of spending hundreds of millions of dollars
to fund an expansive and militarized police
department and operate two jails.
In 2019, the City plans to devote $290 million,
over half of its general fund, to “public safety,”
with 70% of that funding being used to pay for
police and jails.
The cost of the City’s current approach is especially
problematic because it is ineffective in its goal of
decreasing violent crime in communities.
Since 2000, national increases in incarceration
have corresponded with a roughly 0% decrease
in crime. This means that almost 100% of crime
reduction occurring after 2000 can be attributed to
factors other than incarceration.105
In fact, increases in incarceration can instead
increase crime rates. Researchers say that this

phenomenon can be attributed to the withering of
economic and social ties that occurs when many
individuals in a community become incarcerated.
Similarly, incarcerated individuals lose social and
economic capital (their skills, connections, and
resources), which makes it very difficult to re-enter
society upon release and can make them more
likely to commit a crime.106
Local policing approaches like broken windows
policing and “hot spot policing” are ineffective at
addressing violent crime. These policies have led to
the over-policing of already marginalized
communities without also increasing safety.107
Statistics reveal drastic disparities in interactions
with the police by race, likely resulting from
implicit biases and stereotypes of “criminality”. For
example, Black people in St. Louis are 85% more
likely to be searched by the police even though they
are 20% less likely than their white counterparts to
be found carrying contraband.108 These practices do
more to support existing racial and socioeconomic
hierarchies than they do to promote the safety of
the St. Louis community
Considering the history
and design of policing in
the St. Louis and in the U.
S., we affirm the
importance of grounding
approaches to public
safety outside of policing
and jails and focused on
preventative solutions
that address the root
causes of community
instability and crime.

INVESTING IN COMMUNITY WELL-BEING: A NEW VISION.
The City of St. Louis needs to rethink its conception of public safety away from an
arrest-and-incarcerate model and into programs that promote community well-being for the
sake of increasing safety in St. Louis. Funding for these programs could easily be redirected as
it all comes from the City’s General Fund.
In 2019, the City of St. Louis plans to
spend less than $1.6 million providing
residents with human services. Compare
this to the over $200 million the City has
set aside to fund arresting and
incarcerating people.
A new integrated approach to public
safety will require the promotion of
community well-being and increased
investment in both individuals and
communities. This approach would
require the City to prioritize alternatives
to incarceration like substance-use treatment programs, expanded education and employment opportunities,
improved access to health and mental health services, and increased affordable, stable housing
options—especially for marginalized communities. This approach would allow St. Louis to begin to address the
underlying issues that cause crime, like economic insecurity and addiction, while limiting the consequences of
incarceration. We will also work with the city to develop community-based approaches to reducing
violence at the community level, through approaches like what Critical Resistance ‘s Power Project is
developing in Oakland, California.
Passing the annual budget requires the input of everycity department and the approval of the Board of Estimate
and Apportionment (comprised of the Mayor, Comptroller,
and President of the Board of Aldermen) and the Board of
Critical Resistance’s Power Project
Aldermen. The Board and the Mayor are accountable to
(Oakland, California)
their constituents and can be influenced to change their
The Power Project engages with and builds the
approach to public safety and what programs get funded.
Many alternative approaches have been tried and
successfully tested around the country and found to increase
public safety through the promotion of community
well-being instead of a reliance on arrests and incarceration.

capacity of city residents to reduce community
violence without relying on law enforcement. This
is done by identifying current harms, amplifying
existing resources, and developing new practices
that do not rely on policing or law enforcement.

FUND THIS INSTEAD:
AFFORDABLE HOUSING

Investing in stable housing will help St. Louis disrupt the City’s cycle of incarceration. Nationally, people
without stable housing are more likely to become involved in the criminal legal system than their stably housed
counterparts: 26% of people in jail report that they were homeless in the year prior to incarceration.109
Moreover, stable housing is one of the most important factors for successful reentry after incarceration.
Unfortunately, current policy makes it more difficult for people with a history with the criminal legal system to
find stable housing, as formerly incarcerated individuals can face subsidized housing restrictions, landlord

discrimination, or home loan restrictions. In addition, many existing supportive housing models, which offer
housing and social services for homeless individuals, require people to submit to various kinds of treatment and
graduate through a series of programs. Even if the client wants to comply, it is nearly impossible to do so
without a stable place to live. Investing in affordable, supportive housing would minimize many people’s
involvement with the criminal legal system.110
For example, St. Louis could divert current arrest-and-incarceration funding towards the St. Louis Affordable
Housing Trust Fund. In 2001, Ord. 65132 § 2, 2000 established St. Louis’s Affordable Housing Trust Fund,111
providing $26 million in grants over 2 years for groups working on low-income housing issues. In 2002, the
Board of Aldermen voted to cut the funding by half.112 The City failed to enforce standards and funded projects
repeatedly failed safety and accessibility inspections.113 The Board should properly fund and implement the
Housing Trust Fund and could also create housing by converting the more than 7,100 abandoned structures.114

FUND THIS INSTEAD:
COMMUNITY-BASED MENTAL HEALTHCARE

PROGRAM HIGHLIGHT:

Office of Neighborhood Safety
(Richmond, California)

In Richmond, California, the Office of
Neighborhood Safety (ONS) is a non-law
enforcement agency that used trauma
and developmental based approaches
to reduce gun violence. ONS is tasked
with building partnerships with those
most at risk of being injured or killed
by gun violence. Using developmental
and trauma based approaches, the ONS’
work has led to a 71% reduction in gun
violence resulting in death or injury
since 2007 and 100% of the fellows in
their program are still alive.

People who experience mental illness are more likely to end up incarcerated
than they are to receive medical care that will help them live safely.115 The
right to health, both physical and mental, has been articulated in a number
of international agreements, including the Constitution of the World Health
Organization and the United Nations’ Universal Declaration of Human
Rights. Unfortunately, not all communities have access to the care necessary
to protect that right because of lacking affordable mental healthcare in St.
Louis.116 Instead of being community based and freely accessible to all,
city-funded mental healthcare programs like the Women’s Circle Program
and the Transition Center of St. Louis are run through the Circuit Attorney’s
office where treatment is accompanied by the consequences of arrest, a
criminal record, and the threat of incarceration.117

FUND THIS INSTEAD:
NEIGHBORHOOD-BASED COMMUNITY SPACES
THAT ARE OPEN TO ALL

PROGRAM HIGHLIGHT:

Center for Women In Transition
The Center for Women In Transition
provides reentry support for individuals
leaving jails and prisons. They provide
individualized case-management and
after care programs to help individuals
move into independent housing, receive
subsidized mental healthcare and
substance-use treatment, and provide
mentorship. Last year, 85% of their
participants obtained employment and
77% have maintained employment for
over 3 months. The recidivism rate of
participants in the program is half the
statewide average.
See more information at www.cwitstl.org

Public spaces play an important role in bringing community members
together and building stronger and safer neighborhoods. Reimagining
public safety in St. Louis should include the development of free and
accessible neighborhood-based community spaces in currently
underserved areas.
Participatory design is key to the successful development of
community spaces: Residents’ sense of security in their own
neighborhoods would be greatly improved by community-led and
city-supported development of public parks, gardens, and community
centers. Community spaces should have active programming, such as after
school programs, job training, and community-wide events. To ensure the
success of such spaces, it is important that community members are
allowed and encouraged to take an active leadership role in managing and
deciding the design and use of community spaces.

FUND THIS INSTEAD:
ECONOMIC AND FUNDED EDUCATIONAL OPPORTUNITIES
Instead of jailing people for poverty-related crimes, St. Louis City must invest in economic and funded
educational opportunities for communities traditionally locked out of accessing these institutions of mobility,
most notably, Black and poor communities. Black communities continue to experience much higher rates of
unemployment.118 Unemployed individuals have higher rates of incarceration and involvement with the
criminal legal system.119 In addition, being incarcerated can reduce a person’s future earnings by 40% and
seriously impact their children’s educational and economic potential.120 Black communities also experience
lower educational outcomes.121 This stems from the social, health, and economic challenges that students in
underperforming schools face due largely to the funding models for education that rely on strong tax bases to
support schools that are lacking in many Black-majority, low-income districts.122
St. Louis can change these outcomes. When people are stably employed and can meet their families’ basic needs
they are less likely to engage in certain types of criminal activity.123 Moreover, when people can access
employment opportunities, they are more likely to be able to afford child support or other legally-mandated
payments and can avoid being jailed for unpaid fines.124 For exa mple, the City could fund job training, summer
youth jobs, improving public education opportunities, raising the minimum wage, and offering after-school
programs. The City should also work to make fines proportionate to income and limit the consequences of
unpaid fines, especially when lack of payment is due to an inability to pay.

.FUND THIS INSTEAD:
RE-TRAINING PROGRAMS FOR FORMER WORKHOUSE EMPLOYEES

Individuals currently employed by the City of St. Louis at the Workhouse are working in inhumane conditions for
little pay.125 When the Workhouse closes, the City of St. Louis must commit to the continued employment of
current city employees and provide paid training so individuals may transition to other City jobs.
St. Louis must a lso confront the dispa rity inherent in the segrega ted na ture of the City a nd the resulting
inequities in a ccessing importa nt progra ms. To remedy this, the City could commit to:

Expanding access to public
transportation:
Access to transportation is crucial to
escaping poverty, but Missouri ranks
46th among the 50 states in public
transportation funding.126 In St. Louis
City, areas of high job opportunities
remain inaccessible to low income
residents living outside the city center
via Metrolink. This is compounded by
the fact that many poor residents do
not have a car127 or cannot drive due
to license issues. Additionally, access
to public transportation is unequal as
stops for the Metrolink and buses are
more frequent in higher-income
areas.128

Accessible reentry programs and the Investing in affordable child care:
promotion of pre-entry programming:
Reentry programs are a crucial part of
breaking the cycle of recidivism. The programs
help people formerly incarcerated confront
what can be insurmountable barriers—finding
employment, securing stable housing,
reuniting with their families, and maintaining
the necessary contact with their probation or
parole officers.129 Unfortunately, many reentry
programs are limited in scope and restricted to
people charged or convicted of specific crimes.
St. Louis could also take the lessons learned
from successful reentry programs and apply
them “pre-entry” before individuals have to
spend time incarcerated.

Access to affordable child care allows
parents to find and maintain
employment. However, in Missouri, child
care is hard to find and costs an average
of $1,101 per month.130 This is exorbitant
considering someone making minimum
wage makes only $1,250 per month.
Low-income families in St. Louis need
access to safe, reliable, and affordable
child care. Moreover, creating affordable
child care options will create new job
opportunities and have a positive,
long-term impact on the learning
abilities of St. Louis children.131

----- -THE PLAN TO CLOSE THE WORKHOUSE -----

Individuals incarcerated at the Workhouse (98% awaiting trial and the vast majority Black
and poor) face hellish and unjustified conditions and incarceration. The Workhouse
represents one facet of a broader system of criminalization and marginalization in St. Louis.
This section of the report outlines a clear plan to change a part of this system.
A permanent closure of the Workhouse requires action by the Mayor, the Circuit Attorney,
a nd the Boa rd of Aldermen. There are clear steps that each can take:

RELEASE INDIVIDUALS INCARCERATED PRETRIAL

CLOSE THE WORKHOUSE
DECLINE TO PROSECUTE AND CRIMINALIZE INDIVIDUALS
REINVEST IN COMMUNITIES

WHO CAN CLOSE THE WORKHOUSE?
WHO

St. Louis Mayor

LYDA KREWSON

St. Louis Circuit Attorney

KIM GARDNER

St. Louis

BOARD OF ALDERMEN

HOW

Lyda Krewson has the authority as the Mayor of St. Louis to
direct the immediate closure of the Workhouse. We are calling
on her to do so immediately in collaboration with Public Safety
Director Jimmie Edwards. The Mayor should also outline a new
approach to public safety away from arrest-and-incarcerate
models and shift City programmatic and budgetary priorities.
Kim Gardner has the discretion and authority to choose which
charges and cases are prosecuted. She should refuse to
prosecute offenses that should be decriminalized, such as crimes
of poverty or drug possession. She should expand pre-plea
diversion programs to limit the consequences of the criminal
legal system. She should also commit to a default of pretrial
release and choose the least restrictive conditions of release
possible, taking ability to pay into account.
The Board of Aldermen can refuse to fund the Workhouse,
effectively closing it. The Board has the authority to implement a
new approach to public safety by reallocating general funds
away from arrest-and-incarcerate programs and towards a set
of community well-being programs including affordable housing
and mental healthcare, and increased economic and educational
opportunities. The Board should assure all current employees
of the Workhouse alternative City employment and funded
training to make this possible.

HOW ST. LOUIS’S MAYOR

LYDA KREWSON CAN CLOSE THE
WORKHOUSE

As the Mayor of St. Louis, and the City’s Chief Executive Officer, Lyda Krewson has an
obligation to define new priorities for the City of St. Louis, drawing from this plan and starting
by immediately directing the closure of the Workhouse.

FIRST: KREWSON SHOULD IMMEDIATELY ORDER THE CLOSURE OF THE WORKHOUSE.
Historically, mayors have played an important role in closing city jails. Earlier this year, the mayor of
Philadelphia, Pennsylvania, along with the prison commissioner, closed one of the oldest jails in the city.132 As
part of the plan to close the jail, Philadelphia officials committed to developing programs and policies to
decrease the city’s incarcerated population so that the city would not need to build a new jail.133

“”What we have is a legacy of policies that disproportionately impact people along racial

and economic lines. This is not an opinion, this is supported by stacks of numbers. This is
institutional racism… we hold the opportunity to lead the way in making concrete
changes to our laws and policies to change the status quo.„ 134

Lyda Krewson
Mayor Krewson can direct Public Safety Director Jimmie Edwards and City Corrections Commissioner
Dale Glass to permanently close the Workhouse and work with the Board of Aldermen on re-defining St.
Louis’s vision of public safety.135 In the same way that the City has the authority to establish and maintain a
city jail, it can also close jails—there is no state law that prevents the City from doing so.136 The Mayor has the
power to direct those overseeing and maintaining the operation of the Workhouse.137
Mayor Krewson could alternatively introduce a Board Bill to close the Workhouse by requesting that the
chairman of an Aldermanic committee sponsor such a bill—which could then become a city ordinance.138

SECOND: KREWSON MUST COLLABORATE WITH OTHER CITY OFFICIALS TO ENSURE CITY-WIDE

IMPLEMENTATION OF DECARCERATION INITIATIVES AND A NEW APPROACH TO PUBLIC SAFETY.

Jimmie Edwards, Director of Public Safety
Mayor Krewson appointed Jimmie Edwards to be the Director of Public Safety, which means he
oversees the Division of Corrections, including the operation of the Workhouse. Edwards plays a major
role in Mayor Krewson’s administration and he should use his broad authority to advocate that
resources be directed away from the Workhouse and toward community-informed programs, especially
for underserved neighborhoods devastated by the City’s embrace of mass incarceration. He has stated,
“good governance seeks out root causes for societal dysfunction, shows compassion when warranted, and
works to improve opportunities for future generations.”139 Together, Krewson and Edwards are
responsible for coordinating the closure of the Workhouse and setting new priorities for the City of St.
Louis.
The Mayor must work with Director Edwards (as well as the employees’ union and the Civil Service
Commission) to ensure that all City employees working at the Workhouse are transitioned to alternative
City employment. The Mayor and Public Safety Director should direct the City Corrections
Commissioner Dale Glass to transition current Workhouse employees into alternative employment with
the City. This may require new training based on the alternative programs developed as a part of a new
approach to public safety. Funding should be reallocated from the operations of the Workhouse to train
former Workhouse employees for these new positions.
Dale Glass, City Corrections Commissioner
As the City decarcerates and sets a process for the closure of the Workhouse, the Mayor must work with
Dale Glass to ensure humane and constitutional conditions at the Workhouse.
St. Louis Metropolitan Police Department
The Mayor must work with the police department to reduce the number of arrests. The police
department has the authority and discretion to issue ticket summonses rather than arrest individuals.
In addition, the police department should focus on alternatives to the criminal legal system to address
violence in communities, developing community policing models,140 while ultimately working towards a
reduced reliance on police to address public safety needs.
Bond Commissioner’s Office

The Mayor must work to reform the City’s Bond Commissioner's Office. Currently, the Bond
Commissioner engages with the state courts in unconstitutional practices of recommending bonds
based solely on a person’s charges and criminal record. If the Bond Commissioner’s Office remains in
operation, it must presume release and only call for the pretrial incarceration of individuals who are
ultimately proven to be a public safety risk (see more on page 35). Instead, the Mayor should work with
the Bond Commissioner’s Office to develop initiatives that facilitate attendance in court (for example,
through text reminders, child care and transportation to and from court).

HOW ST. LOUIS’S CIRCUIT ATTORNEY

KIM GARDNER CAN CLOSE THE WORKHOUSE
FIRST: KIM GARDNER CAN DISMISS AND DEPRIORITIZE THE PROSECUTION OF VICTIMLESS CRIMES, CRIMES OF

POVERTY, AND OTHER LOW-LEVEL OFFENSES.

“The Circuit Attorney has unequalled and broad discretion in the
criminal prosecution process–from whether to pursue criminal
charges, to offer a plea deal, or recommendation for bail or
sentencing. Throughout the entire prosecution process, the Circuit
Kim Gardner
Attorney exercises significant discretion.”
Kim Gardner is the lead prosecutor in the City of St. Louis and has the power to
decline to prosecute certain offenses and to dismiss criminal charges.
If Gardner declined to prosecute and dismissed low-level offenses, the
Workhouse could immediately close.
Incarcerating someone for a probation violation, a driving-related charge, low-level drug-related charges,
crimes of poverty, and other victimless charges does not make our communities safer (see page 27). Rather, it
results in a cycle of incarcerating poor people and communities of color. Racial profiling in policing means
prosecutorial decisions target certain communities. Black people are 85% more likely to be stopped by police
than white people although there are no statistics showing they are more likely to commit crimes. Nearly
90% of the people incarcerated at the Workhouse are Black while just under half of City residents are Black.
Remember: The relea se or non-inca rcera tion of 450 people a t the Workhouse (by dismissing cha rges or
refusing to prosecute certa in cha rges) could sufficiently deca rcera te St. Louis to immedia tely close the
Workhouse (see pa ge 32 a nd endnote 136). The table below demonstrates different offenses that the Circuit
Attorney could choose not to prosecute and how many people would be released based on their charges. With the
following top charges, today around 460 people would not be criminalized if the Circuit Attorney dismissed the
following low-level charges, and the Workhouse could immediately be closed.

Numbers of People Incarcerated at the Workhouse on Low-Level O�enses

* based on data on file at ArchCity Defenders from March 2018 and St. Louis jail population data

Individuals charged with only a technical probation violation

A “technical probation violation” is a violation of a condition of probation (like reporting to
one’s officer) and does not include people violated for being charged with a new offense.

Individuals with a top charge that is Driving-Related

This includes driving with an invalid license and leaving the scene of an accident, but not DUIs.

107
6

Individuals with a top charge that is a low-level Drug-related charge

109

Individuals with a top charge that is a Poverty-Related charge

107

Other individuals with a top charge that is a Victimless charge

137

This includes the offenses of unlawful possession of a controlled substance including marijuana,
or possession of drug paraphernalia. It does not include distribution of drugs.
This includes the offenses of non-payment of child support, trespassing, stealing [but not stealing
a car or a firearm], prostitution, damaging property, and receiving stolen property.
This includes the offenses of unlawful possession of a gun, resisting arrest, perjury

Total Individuals with a low-level top charge (who could be released)

466

Individuals with a more serious top charge (who would not be released)

166

SECOND: KIM GARDNER CAN DECREASE THE NUMBER OF PEOPLE INCARCERATED PRETRIAL BY SUPPORTING
PEOPLE’S RELEASE ON PROMISES TO APPEAR AND OTHER NON-RESTRICTIVE CONDITIONS.

Although many major cities are reforming their bail practices and
progressing towards justice and decarceration,141 St. Louis bail practices
have been stagnant for years. Although most people at the Workhouse
are not awaiting trial for serious charges (see chart on page 15),
prosecutors and the City Bond
Commissioner request bail for someone
96% of people have to pay bail to be
to be released and only between 4% of
released pretrial. The median bond for
people in St. Louis are ever offered
someone at the Workhouse is $25,000.
release only on a promise to appear.
The vast majority of people cannot afford
to pay the bond and stay incarcerated.
The bail that is ultimately set is
unaffordable for the vast majority of
The average length of stay for those
people, thus keeping people incarcerated
innocent and awaiting trial in a St. Louis
until trial or until they plead.
City jail in 291 days.
If rates of pretrial release were similar to
other cities, like Philadelphia,142 this would result in the immediate
release of 40% of people in St. Louis’s custody, or around 500
people. This move alone would decarcerate sufficiently to close
the Workhouse.
Current bail practices in St. Louis are unconstitutional and violate Missouri
law (see page 26).143 Pretrial incarceration also has serious consequences
(see page 25). Studies show that those released pretrial have fewer
guilty pleas, higher chances of dismissal and enrollment in
diversion programs, and shorter sentences.
Judges have the authority to order individuals released without
conditions.144 The Circuit Attorney’s Office has the authority to
request that an individual be released without bail and at the
very least to consent to defendant's’ requests to be released on
their own recognizance or to reduce their bond to an amount
that is affordable.
Instead, the Circuit Attorney’s office and their prosecutors
actively oppose individuals’ release pretrial.145 It is a policy
of the office for the prosecutor to argue to the judge that a
defendant should remain locked up, and prosecutors contest
every bond reduction motion.

Released on Promise to Appear

“CONDITIONING RELEASE”: PROVIDE PRETRIAL SERVICES NOT SURVEILLANCE

Cash bail should not be replaced by private supervision programs, like those currently operated by the
private company EMASS. “Private supervision” programs use private companies to supervise individuals while
they await trial. In St. Louis, the individual must pay the costs of the private supervision. The cost can be as high
as $300 per month, which is unaffordable for many. Those programs put unnecessary financial burdens on
communities targeted by the criminal legal system and often result in reincarceration for inability to pay.

The Close the Workhouse
campaign does not support
Electronic Home Detention. St. Louis currently has a contract with a private
company to provide Electronic Home Detention Programs that allow individuals to
replacing cash bail with any
serve either some or all of their pretrial detention at home. These companies have an
type of invasive pretrial
economic incentive to keep people in the most restrictive conditions for the longest
surveillance. Instead, the City
period of time. In St. Louis the cost per day of electronic monitoring is $5-$8 per day;
should invest in services that
that’s almost $3,000 for a year of monitoring.
help people overcome barriers
Private Pretrial Supervision. Although we support supervised release, we
they face when appearing in
do not support privatizing these conditioned release services. Many private pretrial
court. These services include
supervision services are user-funded, which can result in a cycle of excessive fees,
text message reminders about
debt, and poverty, even for those ultimately not found guilty of a crime.
upcoming dates, as well as
Predictive Risk Assessment Technology. Risk assessment tools are
assistance with transportation,
becoming increasingly popular across the country and they are used to decide who
and childcare. In New York
can be set free before trial. The Campaign does not support using risk assessment tools
City, text message reminders
because predictive analytics that use racially-skewed data and present their assessment
of upcoming court dates
results as “race-neutral” are dangerous and likely to perpetuate a harmful cycle of overincarcerating communities of color.
reduced the number of people
who miss their court date by
In D.C.,
almost 20% in 2017.146
the court operates a Pretrial Services Corporation that is staffed 24/7 and 89% remain arrest-free.147
Other states connect individuals with pretrial treatment for drug and alcohol use disorders, or mental
healthcare, and require mandatory court check-ins.

THIRD: KIM GARDNER’S OFFICE CAN EXPAND THE AVAILABILITY AND USE OF PRE-PLEA DIVERSION WHEN
SHE DECIDES THERE IS A NEED TO PROSECUTE A CHARGE.
Diversion programs are designed to avoid a criminal conviction and record, but also to provide opportunities
and programs to prevent individuals from being swept up into the criminal legal system’s cycle. Successful
pre-plea diversion programs successfully connect individuals with important social service supports to reduce
the collateral impacts that often occur after encounters with the criminal legal system.
Pre-plea diversion should not replace solutions that decrease the total number of prosecutions. For example, in
2015 individuals spent approximately 90,000 days incarcerated before their charges were ultimately dismissed.
The prosecutor can always choose not to prosecute a charge and should make that decision before beginning to
prosecute, not through dismissals or increased use of pre-plea diversion.
but they are very limited with only 150 participants in
Kim Gardner’s office has four diversion programs,148
over one year out of a total number of over 3000 filed prosecutions.149 All diversion programs must be expanded
with an emphasis on pre-plea diversion.

FOURTH: K IM GARDNER CAN BE ACCOUNTABLE TO ST. LOUIS BY RELEASING INFORMATION ON THE

CHARGING DECISIONS AND POLICIES MADE BY HER OFFICE.

“As your next Circuit Attorney, my office will operate through transparency to enhance
community trust, a critical ingredient to make our city safer.” Kim Gardner

Transparency means the Circuit Attorney should:
Release information on charges prosecuted, cases dismissed, and bail amounts in St. Louis;

Release information on policies to decrease the incarcerated population in St. Louis (including bail
practices, use of prosecutorial discretion, and increased use of summonses over arrests); and

Quantify the cost of incarceration throughout the prosecution and sentencing process. At a bail or
sentencing hearing, when prosecutors are calling for incarceration, this should be declared on the record.

HOW THE ST. LOUIS BOARD OF ALDERMEN

CAN CLOSE THE WORKHOUSE

FIRST: THE BOARD OF ALDERMEN CAN DIVEST FROM THE

WORKHOUSE.

The Board of Aldermen is charged with yearly approval of the
City’s budget. This legislative “check” gives them the power to
divest from the Workhouse. By refusing to fund the
Workhouse, they can effectively close it.

SECOND: THE BOARD OF ALDERMEN CAN PASS A

Who Are the Board of Alderman?
The Board of Alderman is the legislative body of
the City of St. Louis. The Board creates, passes,
and amends local laws, as well as approves the
City’s budget every year. There are 28 Alderman
and each represent around 10,000 residents.
Louis Reed, the President of the Board, is the
second highest ranking city official directly
behind Mayor Krewson.

RESOLUTION COMMITTING TO CLOSING THE WORKHOUSE.
In 1843, a City Ordinance was passed that established a Workhouse. Now, 175 years later, the Board could act
again, this time to close the infamously hellish institution.
As the legislative body of the City of St. Louis, the Board of Aldermen can pass a resolution endorsing the closure
of the Workhouse. Board resolutions do not usually carry the force of law but would represent an important
political step towards closing the Workhouse.

THIRD: THE BOARD OF ALDERMEN MUST RE-ALLOCATE THE GENERAL FUND TO INVEST IN COMMUNITY
WELL-BEING FOR ALL IN THE ST. LOUIS COMMUNITY.

The Board of Aldermen has final say on the budget for the City of St. Louis. Instead of spending $16 million
operating a decaying city jail and detaining people before trial, the Board can create a budget that prioritizes the
well-being of the City’s residents. See page 38 and Section Investing in Community Well-Being.
This budget should be created through a participatory budgeting process that involves communities in
deciding how money is spent and on what priorities.150
Reallocation of Funding Priorities:
Areas for reallocation of funding include (See pages 28 to 30):
● Affordable housing projects
● Access to employment and education initiatives
● Creation of neighborhood-based and open community spaces
● Community mental healthcare
Alternative employment and required employment training for City employees currently employed at
the Workhouse.
Local funding for the Public Defender’s Office so all individuals that require it can access free, quality,
and timely counsel.
The Board of Aldermen should reallocate funding from the recently passed $50 million bond away from
permanent building renovations (like non-temporary air conditioning units).

Comparing City Budgets
Ima gining city budgets before a nd a fter the closure of the Workhouse a nd a
rea lloca tion of city funding towa rds a new a pproa ch to public sa fety

St. Louis Budget – Now and Future
Figure depicting the current 2018 City
of St. Louis General Fund budget and
a possible re-envisioning of the St.
Louis budget. A precise reallocation of
funding should occur through a participatory budgeting process involving
communities impacted by the changes.

-----

A CALL TO ACTION----

Wha t You Ca n Do to Help Close the Workhouse a nd Deca rcera te St. Louis:

Follow our campaign!
●
●
●
●
●

Follow us on Facebook, Twitter, and Instagram @CloseWorkhouse
Join our email list: closetheworkhouse@gmail.com
Visit our website: www.closetheworkhouse.com
Share our posts, events, and hashtags to spread the word
Follow social media accounts of The Bail Project, Missourians Organizing for
Reform and Empowerment, Action St. Louis, ArchCity Defenders, and others

Wield your political influence
●
●
●
●
●

Call Mayor Lyda Krewson, Circuit Attorney Kim Gardner, and your Alderman
to let them know that you support the campaign’s demands
Engage local elected officials and candidates in conversations about where
they stand on the campaign demands
Demand transparency and accountability from your local police and jails
Educate and mobilize your friends, family, and network
Mobilize your network to attend campaign events and promote the campaign

Organize your communities
●
●
●
●

Organize and attend neighborhood meetings
Host conversations with your friends and family about decarceration
Engage your neighborhood in conversations about alternatives to calling the
police
Build alternative safety responses and structures in your community

Support local organizations with decarceration initiatives
●
●
●

Move your organization or network to endorse the campaign
Join the campaign to help further campaign priorities
Donate to the campaign and our partner organizations

----- Sources

- ---

Movement for Black Lives, “End the War on Black People,”
available at,
https://policy.m4bl.org/end-war-on-black-people/.

15.

Id.

16.

Tyler v. United States, 737 F. Supp. 531 (E.D. Mo. 1990).

Robert Patrick, Heat, mold, rats and spiders: Former
workhouse inmates sue St. Louis over 'hellish' conditions, St.
Louis Post-Dispatch (Nov. 13, 2017), available at
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Wicentowski, “This Place is Hell”: An Undercover Trip Inside
St. Louis’ Workhouse, Riverfront Times (Aug. 7, 2017),
available at
https://www.riverfronttimes.com/newsblog/2017/08/07/thisplace-is-hell-an-undercover-trip-inside-st-louis-workhouse;
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http://news.stlpublicradio.org/post/activists-launch-campaig
n-close-workhouse-reduce-st-louis-jail-population#stream/0.

17.

Id. at 536.

18.

Tyler v. Percich, No. 74-40-C (E.D. Mo. Oct. 15, 1974); Tyler
v. United States, 737 F. Supp. 531 (E.D. Mo. 1990).

19.

“City of St. Louis - Justice Center,” KWAME Building
Group Inc., available at
http://kwamebuildinggroup.com/wp-content/uploads/201
7/10/city-of-st.-louis-justice-center.pdf.

20.

Missouri Historical Society, available at
http://mohistory.org/collections/item/resource:157869?full
screen=1.

21.

Cody et al., at 131.

22.

In 2009 the ACLU released a report on conditions at St.
Louis correctional facilities called “Suffering in Silence.”
The report was the result of a two-year long investigation
and based on accounts by correctional officers and
people incarcerated at St. Louis City Jails documenting
inhumane conditions. See, Redditt Hudson, Suffering in
Silence: Human Rights Abuses in St. Louis Correctional
Centers, American Civil Liberties Union of Eastern
Missouri (March 2009), available at
https://www.aclu-mo.org/sites/default/files/field_documen
ts/aclusufferingfullreport.pdf.

23.

Id. at 6.

24.

Jesse Bogen, Seven St. Louis jailers fired in excessive force
case, St. Louis Post-Dispatch (May 16, 2015), available at
https://www.stltoday.com/news/local/crime-and-courts/se
ven-st-louis-jailers-fired-in-excessive-force-case/article_6d
332d3d-9cd7-53a0-9c5e-9ebac4bc72d6.html.

25.

Allen Beck, Sexual Victimization in Prisons and Jails
. ꜰJ ꜱ
, May 2013,
Reported by Inmates, 2011-12, D
available at
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26.

Robert Patrick, “Suit claims St. Louis workhouse inmates
forced by guards to fight,” August 18, 2012.
https://www.stltoday.com/news/local/crime-and-courts/su
it-claims-st-louis-workhouse-inmates-forced-by-guards-to/
article_a8a6f0dc-1d0e-58f4-8c6e-b50fd7fc5b7d.html.

27.

Id.

28.

Deaths are recorded by the City in the Corrections
Divisions’ monthly reports, available at
https://www.stlouis-mo.gov/government/departments/p
ublic-safety/corrections/documents/monthly-reports-20
18.cfm.

29.

Doyle Murphy, St. Louis Workhouse Inmates Beg for
Help from Blistering Heat, Riverfront Times (July 19,
2017)https://www.riverfronttimes.com/newsblog/2017/
07/19/st-louis-workhouse-inmates-beg-for-help-from-bli
stering-heat.

30.

First Am. Complaint, Cody et al. v. City of St. Louis, No.
4:17-cv-2707-AGF (E.D. Mo. filed Jun. 4, 2018).

St. Louis City Workhouse Ordinance, 1843, available at
https://books.google.com/books?id=Vf1BAAAAYAAJ&pg=PA4
78&lpg=PA478&dq=workhouse+st+louis+name&source=bl&
ots=2csRwzFuxw&sig=bOT36iPgI_fojGo3x5H_X24AEmg&hl=
en&sa=X&ved=0ahUKEwjSutfjxqPVAhVHrFQKHQk1B504FB
DoAQggMAk#v=onepage&q=workhouse%20st%20louis%20
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Historical Photos for Courts and Jail, St. Louis Police
Veterans Association, available at
http://www.slpva.com/historic/saintlouifourcourts.html.

Harper Barnes, City's New $2,000,000 Workhouse Expected
to be Completed, St. Louis Post-Dispatch, April 7, 1966.

Lauren Mitchell, ed., 10 Reasons the gilded age wasn’t so
gilded, Missouri Historical Society, June 19, 2015, available a
http://mohistory.org/blog/10-reasons-the-gilded-age-wasnt-s
o-gilded/.

A Friend of Prisoners (Anonymous author), Putting St.
Louisans into Chains, St. Louis Post-Dispatch, April 16, 1905.

“Photos,” Missouri Historical Society, available at
http://mohistory.org/collections/item/resource:157869?fullsc
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Medium Security Institution: Information regarding the City’s
Medium Security Institution, City of St. Louis Government,
available at
https://www.stlouis-mo.gov/government/departments/publi
c-safety/corrections/medium-security-institution.cfm.

10. Tyler v. Percich, No. 74-40-C (E.D. Mo. Oct. 15, 1974); Tyler v.
United States, 737 F. Supp. 531 (E.D. Mo. 1990).
11. Cody et al. v. City of St. Louis, No. 4:17-cv-2707 (E.D. Mo. Nov.
13, 2017).
12. See supra note 4.
13. Colin Gordon, Mapping Decline: St. Louis and the Fate of the
American City, http://mappingdecline.lib.uiowa.edu/map/ (last
visited Sept. 12, 2018).
14. Tyler v. Percich, No. 74-40-C (E.D. Mo. Oct. 15, 1974).

31.

Id.

32.

See the Campaign website for more information at:
http://www.closetheworkhouse.org.

33.

afety/corrections/documents/upload/july-2018-reporting-of-sta
tistics.pdf

Data for this graph was drawn from St. Louis City monthly
reports. See, Commissioner Dale Glass, Monthly Report
ꜰ S .
January 2018 through Monthly Report July 2018, C
ꜱ,
L
https://www.stlouis-mo.gov/government/departments/publi
c-safety/corrections/documents/monthly-reports-2018.cfm

50.

Hudson, “Suffering in Silence.”

51.

Cody et al.

52.

On file at ArchCity Defenders, 2018.

53.

On file at ArchCity Defenders, 2018.

54.

On file at ArchCity Defenders, 2018.

34.

Id.

55.

Cody et al. at 35.

35.

Id.

56.

Id. at 137.

36.

Thomas Harvey et al., ArchCity Defenders: Municipal Courts
White Paper (Nov. 2014) at pp. 17-19, available at
http://www.archcitydefenders.org/wp-content/uploads/2014
/11/ArchCity-Defenders-Municipal-Courts-Whitepaper.pdf.

57.

On file at ArchCity Defenders, 2018.

58.

On file at ArchCity Defenders, 2018.

59.

ACLU p. 14-15 (Tyler v. Perich, 14-15.)

37.

Id. at 8-10.

60.

St. Louis Revised Statutes Chapter 25.02, Section 116.1

38.

98% of people at the workhouse are incarcerated pretrial.
See Corrections Division, “Monthly Reports”, City of St.
Louis, available at
https://www.stlouis-mo.gov/government/departments/publi
c-safety/corrections/documents/monthly-reports-2018.cfm.

61.

Cody, et al.,. at 142.

62.

Id. at 143.

39.

40.

The Circuit Attorney announced an “exclusion list” based on
the lack of “viability of [some police] reports.” (See Christine
Byers, “St. Louis prosecutor says she will no longer accept
cases from 28 city police officers,” August 31, 2018,
“Complete Guide to Felonies in Missouri,” Carver, Cantin
and Mynarich, LLC, 2017,
https://carvercantin.com/felonies-in-missouri/; “Missouri
Misdemeanor Guide - Class A, B, C, D Unclassified,” Carver,
Cantin and Mynarich, LLC, 2017,
https://carvercantin.com/missouri-misdemeanor/

41.

Independent Commission chaired by The Hon. Jonathan
Lippman, “A More Just New York City: Independent
Commission on New York City Criminal Justice and
Incarceration Reform,” March 2017,
https://www.ncsc.org/~/media/C056A0513F0C4D34B779E875
CBD2472B.ashx.

42.

J ꜱ
M ꜱꜱ
St. Louis County Jail Statistics, S
(2018), https://www.pickyourpa.org/jail-statistics/.

63.

Id. at 15.

64.

Id. at 150.

65.

Id.

66.

On file at ArchCity Defenders, 2018.

67.

Corrections Division, “July 2018 Report”, City of St.
Louis, available at
https://www.stlouis-mo.gov/government/departments/p
ublic-safety/corrections/documents/upload/JUNE-2018-R
EPORTING-OF-STATISTICS.pdf.

68.

On file at ArchCity Defenders, 2018.

69.

Elizabeth Eisele, “Seven corrections officers fired
after allegedly beating inmate in retaliation,”
KMOV.com, May 15, 2015, available at
http://www.kmov.com/story/29079672/seven-correctio
ns-officers-fired-after-allegedly-beating-inmate-in-reta
liation; ACLU, “Suffering in Silence,” at 6; ACLU, Tyler
v. Perch, at 6.

70.

ACLU, “Suffering in Silence” at 6.

71.

ACLU, “Suffering in Silence” at 11.

72.

On file at ArchCity Defenders, 2018.

73.

On file at ArchCity Defenders, 2018.

74.

ACLU, “Suffering in Silence” at 13.

75.

Id.

43.

Colin Gordon, Mapping Decline: St. Louis and the Fate of the
American City 86 (2009).

44.

Infographic of Delmar Divide. See, Jason Purnell et al., For the
Sake of All, Washington University in St. Louis (July 2015),
available at
https://forthesakeofall.org/wp-content/uploads/2016/06/FSOA_r
eport_2.pdf.

45.

Id., 29.

76.

On file at ArchCity Defenders, 2018.

46.

Id., 32.

77.

Cody et al..

47.

Lyndsie Marie Schultz, Inequitable Dispersion: Mapping the
Distribution of Highly Qualified Teachers in St. Louis
Metropolitan Elementary Schools, Education Police Archives,
22 (2014) at 12. See also Purnell et al., supra note 44.

78.

Id.

79.

Bruce Rushton, “Unlucky Seven,” November 7, 2001,
available at
https://www.riverfronttimes.com/stlouis/unlucky-seve
n/Content?oid=2470082 .

80.

“City of St. Louis - FY 2018 - 2019,” City of St. Louis,
April 23, 2018, available at
https://www.stlouis-mo.gov/government/departments/
budget/documents/upload/FY19-Line-Item-Public-Safe

48.

49.

Stop Search and Hit Image from
https://prezi.com/view/KG3Y8inXLjc6hV9Iup6v/ ; Incarceration
image from For the Sake of All Report.
Public Safety Commissioner Dale Glass, “Department of Public
Safety St. Louis City Division of Correction: Monthly Report,”
https://www.stlouis-mo.gov/government/departments/public-s

ty-to-BOA.pdf
81.

82.

“When you combine the profit motive with limited
oversight and an unpopular, politically powerless group
like prisoners, it's a recipe for bad outcomes.” ACLU director
of National Prison Project David Fathi. Corizon has been
sued 660 times between 2011 and 2016 for malpractice. See,
Simon McCormack, “Xavius Scullark-Johnson, Prisoner, Dies
After He's Denied Health Care.” The Huffington Post, 26 June
2012,
https://www.huffingtonpost.ca/entry/xavius-scullark-johnso
n-dead_n_1625547.
Doris A. Fuller, Elizabeth Sinclair, et al., “Emptying the ‘New
ASylums,’” Treatment Advocacy Center, January 2017,
available at,
http://www.treatmentadvocacycenter.org/storage/document
s/emptying-new-asylums.pdf

83.

“Jailing People with Mental Illness,” National Alliance on
Mental Illness, available at
https://www.nami.org/Learn-More/Public-Policy/Jailing-Peo
ple-with-Mental-Illness

84.

Jesse Bogen, “Seven St. Louis jailers fired in excessive force
case,” May 16, 2015.
https://www.stltoday.com/news/local/crime-and-courts/seve
n-st-louis-jailers-fired-in-excessive-force-case/article_6d332d
3d-9cd7-53a0-9c5e-9ebac4bc72d6.html.
Id.

86.

On file at ArchCity Defenders, 2018.

87.

On file at ArchCity Defenders, 2018.

88.

On file at ArchCity Defenders, 2018.

89.

Sarah Fenske, “Captain Was Fired After Complaining About
Workhouse Conditions, Lawsuit Says,” Riverfront Times, Sept
4, 2018, availalbe at
https://www.riverfronttimes.com/newsblog/2018/09/04/captain
-was-fired-after-complaining-about-workhouse-conditions-law
suit-says.

90.

Abhi Sivasailam, “Cost of a Missouri Inmate,” Show-Me
Institute, January 20, 2011,
https://showmeinstitute.org/blog/budget/cost-missouri-inmate

91.

Don Steman, “The Prison Paradox: More Incarceration will not
make us Safer,” Loyola eCommons, July 2017,
https://ecommons.luc.edu/cgi/viewcontent.cgi?article=1027&co
ntext=criminaljustice_facpubs.

92.

Judy Greene, Marc Mauer, Ashley Nellis, “Reducing Racial
Disparity in the Criminal Justice System. A Manual for
Practitioners and Policymakers,” The Sentencing Project, 2008,
https://www.sentencingproject.org/wp-content/uploads/2016/0
1/Reducing-Racial-Disparity-in-the-Criminal-Justice-System-AManual-for-Practitioners-and-Policymakers.pdf.

94.

Christian Henrichson, “The Incarceration Trends Project,”
Vera Institute of Justice, December, 15, 2015,
http://trends.vera.org/rates/st-louis-city-mo?incarceration=rate
&incarcerationData=pretrial
Andy Barbee, Grace Call, Rachael Druckhammer, and Ben
Shelor, “Justice Reinvestment in Missouri,” Justice Center,
November 28, 2017, available at
https://csgjusticecenter.org/wp-content/uploads/2018/02/MO-JR
-Pres-Nov-28-2017_FINAL_Updated.pdf

95.

Id. at 18.

96.

Id.

The most recent analysis from the U.S. Department of
Justice found that in the U.S., the median bail amount
set for felony cases in 2009 was $10,000. See, Scott M.
Stringer, “The Public Cost of Private Bail: A Proposal to
Ban Bail Bonds in NYC,” Bureau of Policy and Research
and Bureau of Budget, January 2018, available at
https://comptroller.nyc.gov/wp-content/uploads/docume
nts/The_Public_Cost_of_Private_Bail.pdf.

98.

Lorna Collier, “Incarceration Nation,” American
Psychological Association, October, 2014,
http://www.apa.org/monitor/2014/10/incarceration.aspx

99.

Hudson, “Suffering in Silence: Human Rights Abuses in St.
Louis Correctional Centers,” pg. 9, 12, 20, 21, 27.

100. Megan Stevenson, "Distortion of justice: How the
inability to pay bail affects case outcomes," University of
Pennsylvania Law School, 2017.

85.

93.

97.

101.

Editorial Board, “Low funding and large caseloads put
Missouri’s public defenders at shar disadvantage,” St.
Louis Post Dispatch, March 4, 2018,
https://www.stltoday.com/opinion/editorial/editorial-l
ow-funding-and-large-caseloads-put-missouri-s-public
/article_3242c902-36a6-5cb6-994f-dd5a919b31bc.html.

102.

Freedom from imprisonment has been recognized as
a fundamental right protected by the due process
clause of the 5th Amendment. Zadvydas v. Davis, 533
U.S. 678, 690 (2001); Stack v. Boyle, 342 U.S. 1, 5 (1951).
Government policies that interfere with fundamental
rights receive strict scrutiny. Reno v. Flores, 507 U.S.
292, 302 (1993). To pass strict scrutiny, the
government must prove that it has a compelling
interest in the goal at which the policy is aimed and
that the policy is narrowly tailored to meet that goal.
Id. In issuing cash bail, the government has a
compelling interest in both public safety and ensuring
the arrestee appears in court. United States v. Salerno,
481 U.S. 739, 749 (1987). However, without
individualized bail determinations, there is no way to
prove that the individual presents a risk to public
safety or a risk of not appearing in court. In addition,
and especially where bail is set so high that it can be
considered as an imposition of mandatory
incarceration, the government must prove that this is
the least restrictive means for ensuring that
government interest. Bearden v. Georgia, 461 U.S. 660,
672 (1983). For the vast majority of individuals
incarcerated pretrial in St. Louis, clear alternatives
exist to cash bail that still allow the government to
ensure public safety and court appearance.

103.

See Mo. Sup. Ct. R. 33.01(d).

104.

“In determining which conditions of release will
reasonably assure appearance, the court shall, take
into account . . . the accused's . . . financial resources.”
Mo. Sup. Ct. R. 33.01(e).

105.

Don Stemen. The Prison Paradox: More Incarceration
Will Not Make Us Safer. New York: Vera Institute of
Justice, 2017.

106.

Id.

107.

Ethical Society of Police, “Comprehensive Evaluation
of the SLMPD,” July 2016,
https://bloximages.newyork1.vip.townnews.com/stlto
day.com/content/tncms/assets/v3/editorial/2/6b/26b1b
d68-9647-5601-b037-fa97d6eb9e80/577ed5200647e.pdf

.pdf.
108.

Jail. Lose Job. Repeat,” New York Times, April 19, 2015,
https://www.nytimes.com/2015/04/20/us/skip-child-support-g
o-to-jail-lose-job-repeat.html

John Chasnoff, “Transforming Police Culture,” April 2018,
available at:
https://prezi.com/view/KG3Y8inXLjc6hV9Iup6v/.

109.

“Advancing Vulnerable Population,” CSH, 2018,
https://www.csh.org/csh-solutions/advancing-vulnerable-po
pulations/.

110.

“Housing and Homelessness as a Public Health
issue,”American Public Health Association, November 7,
2017,https://www.apha.org/policies-and-advocacy/public-healt
h-policy-statements/policy-database/2018/01/18/housing-and-h
omelessness-as-a-public-health-issue.

124.

Id.

125.

City employees working at the Workhouse make
between $33,700 and $47,500. See, “Salary,” City of St.
Louis Government, available at
https://www.stlouis-mo.gov/government/departments/p
ersonnel/jobs/job-detail.cfm?job=2154&detail=1.

126.

Dera Luce, “The Fight for Better Transit is Part of the
FIght for Racial Equity,” City Lab, October 13, 2017,
https://www.citylab.com/equity/2017/10/mobilizing-forprotests-without-a-car/542373/ and Mikayla Bouchard.
“Transportation Emerges as Crucial to Escaping
Poverty,” New York Times, May 7, 2015.
https://www.nytimes.com/2015/05/07/upshot/transporta
tion-emerges-as-crucial-to-escaping-poverty.

127.

“Segregation in St. Louis: Dismantling the Divide,” For
The Sake of All, April, 2018, 72, available at
https://forthesakeofall.org/wp-content/uploads/2018/04/
SegregationinSTL_DismantlingDivideReport.pdf.

128.

“Forward through Ferguson: A Path Toward Racial
Equity,” Forward through Ferguson, October 14, 2015,
https://forwardthroughferguson.org/report/call-to-actio
n/enhancing-access-to-transportation/.

111.

St. Louis Ordinance 65609 § 2, 2002, available at:
https://www.stlouis-mo.gov/internal-apps/legislative/upload/O
rdinances/BOAPdf/65609x00.pdf.

112.

St. Louis Ordinance 65609 § 2, 2002.

113.

Caitlin Lee and Clark Randall, “For Landlord Nathan Cooper,
Section-8 Tenants are Big Business,” Riverfront Times, June 27,
2018, available at
https://m.riverfronttimes.com/stlouis/nathan-cooper-section-8gravois-park/Content?oid=20676900&storyPage=4.

114.

Woodhall-Melnik, J. R., & Dunn, J. R. (2016). A systematic
review of outcomes associated with participation in Housing
First programs. Housing Studies, 31(3), 287-304.

115.

“Jailing People with Mental Illness,” National Alliance on
Mental Illness,
https://www.nami.org/Learn-More/Public-Policy/Jailing-People
-with-Mental-Illness.

129.

Richard Seiter and Karen Kadela, “Prisoner Reentry:
What Works, What Does Not, and What is Promising,”
Sage Publications, 2003,
http://64.6.252.14/class/Temp/reentry11.pdf, 56.

116.

Jim Doyle, “Mental health safety net in St. Louis is strained,”
Dec. 23, 2012,
https://www.stltoday.com/news/local/mental-health-safety-netin-st-louis-area-is-strained/article_56c215f2-716d-5c29-a2db-a9
f81520736b.html.

130.

117.

Office of Neighbourhood Safety: See, “2016 Highlight: Officer of
Neighborhood Safety,” City of Richmond, California, 2017,
https://www.ci.richmond.ca.us/DocumentCenter/View/41749/2
016-FINAL-DRAFT-ANNUAL-SUMMARY?bidId=

118.

Angle Ross, “Chart of the Week: Mapping Unemployment in St.
Louis,” National Equity Atlas, October 7, 2016,
http://nationalequityatlas.org/data-in-action/StLouisUnemploy
ment.

“These Maps Show the Average Cost of Childcare in
Each State,” Huffington Post, April 23, 2018,
https://www.huffingtonpost.com/entry/these-maps-sho
w-the-average-cost-of-childcare-in-each_us_5ada5ac6e4
b08013892cf610; Gina Adams, Teresa Derrick-Mills, and
Caroline Heller, “Strategies to Meet the Childcare Needs
of Low-Income Parents Seeking Education and
Training,” Urban Institute, September 2016,
https://www.urban.org/sites/default/files/publication/84
326/2000938-Strategies-to-Meet-the-Child-Care-Needs-of
-Low-Income-Parents-Seeking-Education-and-Training.
pdf.

131.

“The State of America’s Children 2017,” Children’s
Defense Fund, 2017,
http://www.childrensdefense.org/library/data/child-car
e-assistance-policies-low-income-afford-quality-care-ch
ildren.pdf.

119.

Ben Schiller, “Mass Incarceration is The Enemy of Economic
Opportunity,” Fast Company, January 30, 2017,
https://www.fastcompany.com/3064950/mass-incarceration-isthe-enemy-of-economic-opportunity

132.

120.

“Collateral Costs: Incarceration’s Effect on Economic Mobility,”
The Pew Charitable Trusts, 2010,
http://www.pewtrusts.org/-/media/legacy/uploadedfiles/pcs_as
sets/2010/collateralcosts1pdf.pdf.

Joe Trinacia, “Mayor Kenney: Philly’s Oldest Prison to
Close by 2020,” Philadelphia. April 18, 2018,
https://www.phillymag.com/news/2018/04/18/philadelp
hia-house-correction-closure/.

133.

121.

Janie Boschma, Ronald Brownstein, “The Concentration of
Poverty in American Schools,” Feb. 29, 2016,
https://www.theatlantic.com/education/archive/2016/02/conce
ntration-poverty-american-schools/471414/.

Robert Smith, “Philadelphia’s Oldest Jail, the House of
Correction, to Close by 2020,” NBC 10. April 18, 2018,
https://www.nbcphiladelphia.com/news/local/House-of-C
orrection-Philadelphia-incarceration-prison-closure-202
0-480149263.html.

122.

Dan Carson, Laura Isensee, Reema Khrais, Tim Lloyd,
Alexandra Olgin, Becky Vevea, “Why America’s Shcools Have
a Money Problem,” April 18, 2016,
https://www.npr.org/2016/04/18/474256366/why-americas-sch
ools-have-a-money-problem.

134.

Lyda Krewson, “St. Louis holds an opportunity to lead
the way: My thoughts on the last few days,” St. Louis-MO
GOV, September 19, 2017,
https://www.stlouis-mo.gov/government/departments/m
ayor/news/mayor-responds-to-last-few-days.cfm.

123.

Frances Robles and Shaila Dewan, “Skip Child Support. Go to

135.

David Hunn, “Dale Glass named new St. Louis corrections
commissioner,” St. Louis Post-Dispatch, May 31,
2012,fhttps://www.stltoday.com/news/local/metro/dale-glass-n
amed-new-st-louis-corrections-commissioner/article_92f74286ab2d-11e1-a773-0019bb30f31a.html.

136.

This campaign uses the required decarceration number 450
based on capacity of St. Louis’s City Justice Center. The City
Justice Center (CJC) has a capacity of 860 individuals. There
are currently 690 incarcerated in CJC, and 550 incarcerated at
the Workhouse. Jails normally cannot be filled to capacity so
we leave around 10% of free bedspace. This leaves around 100
free beds at CJC that could be filled by individuals that do not
fit in any immediate decarceration priorities while releasing
individuals from the Workhouse. This would leave 450
individuals that would have to be released from St. Louis’
custody in order to immediately close the Workhouse and not
require a new jail to incarcerate individuals under the
authority of St. Louis’s custody. Note that the number would
be even lower if St. Louis refused to hold federal inmates at
CJC (around 150 federal custody inmates are held at CJC). See
https://www.stlouis-mo.gov/government/departments/public-s
afety/corrections/documents/upload/JULY-2018-REPORTING-O
F-STATISTICS.pdf

137.

“Departments Reporting to the Mayor,” St. Louis-MO
GOV,https://library.municode.com/mo/st._louis/codes/code_of_
ordinances?nodeId=CH_ARTVIIICIOFEM_S1APBEMAMATE

142.

In Philadelphia, the District Attorney has eliminated
cash bail for 25 non-violent offenses. Also see, Alicia
Victoria Lozano, “Philadelphia Distrct Attorney Larry
Krasner Ends Cash Bail for Low-Level Offenses,”NBC
10, February 21, 2018,
https://www.nbcphiladelphia.com/news/local/The-End
-of-Cash-Bail-in-Philadelphia-District-Attorney-to-Issue
-Policy-Change-474728233.html.

143.

See Page 30 of the Plan; also see R.S.Mo. § 544.455
stating that that a judge may release an individual on
their own personal recognizance. St. Louis law allows
for release on personal recognizance.

144.

Mo. Sup. Ct. R. 33.05: “A person for whom conditions
of release are imposed and who after twenty-four
hours from the time of the release hearing continues
to be detained as a result of his inability to meet the
conditions of release shall, upon application, be
entitled to have the conditions reviewed by the court
which imposed them. The application shall be
determined promptly.”

145.

It is unclear whether the policy is a written one or is a
norm ordered by Circuit Attorney Gardner. This
policy was also under effect under Circuit Attorney
Joyce’s leadership.

146.

Erin Durkin, “Text message remiders help curb
number of defendents who skip NYC court,” Daily
News, Jan. 23, 2018,
http://www.nydailynews.com/new-york/text-messagereminders-curb-number-defendants-skip-court-article
-1.3774378.

138.

“About Board Bills,” St. Louis-MO GOV,
https://www.stlouis-mo.gov/government/city-laws/board-bills/
ordinances-how.cfm.

139.

“Mayor Lyda Krewson Appoints Circuit Judge Jimmie Edwards
New Director of Public Safety,” St. Louis-MO GOV. October 13,
2017,dhttps://www.stlouis-mo.gov/government/departments/m
ayor/news/circuit-judge-jimmie-m-edwards-new-director-of-p
ublic-safety.cfm.

147.

Director Clifford T. Keenan, “It’s about Results, Not
Money,” Pretrial Service Agency for the District of
Columbia, September 4, 2014
https://www.psa.gov/?q=node/499.

140.

See “Community Policing,” Coalition Against Police Crimes and
Repression, March 28, 2018,
http://capcr-stl.org/community-policing/

148.

141.

See Teresa Wiltz, “Locked Up: Is cash Bail on the Way Out,”
PEW Research, March 1, 2017,.
http://www.pewtrusts.org/en/research-and-analysis/blogs/st
ateline/2017/03/01/locked-up-is-cash-bail-on-the-way-out; in
Philly: Claire Sasko, DA Krasner Will Drop Cash Bail for
Most Non-Violent Crime, Philadelphia, February 21, 2018,
https://www.phillymag.com/news/2018/02/21/krasner-cash-b
ail-reform/. In Manhattan: Manhattan District Attorney’s
Office, “Manhattan and Broklyn District Attorney’s Officez
End Requests Bail Most Misdemeanor Cases,” January 9,
2018,
https://www.manhattanda.org/manhattan-and-brooklyn-dis
trict-attorneys-offices-end-requests-bail-most-misdemeanor/
.; In Florida: Elizabeth Johnson, “Florida Campaign for
Crmiinal Justice Reform Responds to Ninth Judicial Circuit
Bail Reform Announcement,” ACLU Florida, May 16, 2018,
https://www.aclufl.org/en/press-releases/florida-campaign-c
riminal-justice-reform-responds-ninth-judicial-circuit-bail-r
eform;
https://twitter.com/SAAramisAyala/status/996856236153999
365; in D.C., the court operates a Pretrial Services
Corporation that is staffed 24/7 and 89% remain
arrest-free.# to immediately speak with anyone arrested
and two individuals who can vouch for them and ultimately
88% of individuals are released pretrial on their own
recognizance and 89% remain arrest-free.
https://www.psa.gov/?q=node/499 Director Clifford T.
Keenan, september 4, 2014.

The St. Louis Circuit Attorney’s Office has four diversion
programs: Misdemeanor Redirect Program; Pre-plea
Felony Redirect Program; Post-plea felony program;
Youthful offender program. The CAO Misdemeanor
Redirect Program (M.R.P.) is a diversion program for
defendants charged with Misdemeanor crimes with
little or no criminal history that provides an opportunity
to accept responsibility for their actions, seek
rehabilitation, and divert their cases from traditional
criminal prosecution. The Felony Redirect Program
(FRP) is a Post-Plea/Deferred Sentencing diversion
program designed to allow non-violent felony offenders
with little or no criminal history to accept responsibility
for their actions and enter an intensive course of
supervision with programs such as behavior
modification, education, job skills training and
employment, and community service designed to
redirect the offender out of the criminal justice system
and into a more positive and productive position in the
community).

149.

“Circuit Court, FY 2017, Criminal Cases Filed, Disposed
and Pending,” Office of States Courts Administrator,
2017, available at
https://www.courts.mo.gov/file.jsp?id=122358

150.

For more information on participatory budgeting, See,
”What is Participatory Budgeting,” Participatory
Budgeting Project, 2018,
https://www.participatorybudgeting.org/what-is-pb/