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The Opioid Epidemic in Correctional Facilities, 2019

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Sarah Gad
Manuscript Draft - 04/19/2019

INTRODUCTION
In 2017, drug overdoses became the leading cause of accidental death in the
1

United States, with opioids driving this epidemic. Over the last two decades, there have
2

been nearly half a million deaths attributable to opioids; half of these deaths occurred in
3

the last three years, and one quarter in 2017 alone. Prescription opioids may have
4

initiated the problem, but the recent advent of synthetic opioids—estimated to be 50 to
5

10,000 times more potent than morphine —has spiraled the epidemic into a crisis much
deadlier than anyone could have anticipated.
The criminalization of drug addiction and the ongoing opioid crisis are
inextricably intertwined. Since the advent of the infamous “War on Drugs” campaign in
1971, the number of people incarcerated for drug offenses in the United States has
6

skyrocketed. According to the United States Bureau of Justice Statistics (BJS), there are

1

Multiple Cause of Death 1999–2017 on CDC Wide-ranging Online Data for Epidemiologic Research (CDC
WONDER). Atlanta, GA: CDC, National Center for Health Statistics. 2018, ​available at
<​https://www.cdc.gov/drugoverdose/pdf/PDO_WONDER_Guide_MCOD_Dataset-a.pdf​>.
2
​Ibid.
3
​Ibid.
4
N. Dasgupta et al., “Opioid Crisis: No Easy Fix to Its Social and Economic Determinants,” American
Journal of Public Health (AJPH), ​AJPH Perspectives,​ February 2018, ​available at
<​https://ajph.aphapublications.org/doi/pdf/10.2105/AJPH.2017.304187​>.
5
​See​ Kathleen McLaughlin, “​Underground labs in China are devising potent new opiates faster than
authorities can respond​,” March 29, 2017, ​available at
<​https://www.sciencemag.org/news/2017/03/underground-labs-china-are-devising-potent-new-opiates-f
aster-authorities-can-respond​>.
6
C. Petty, 20/20 Bipartisan Justice Center, ​The War on Drugs & Mass Incarceration​, 2018, a
​ vailable at
<​http://www.2020club.org/Mass-Incarceration​>.

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nearly 2.3 million adults currently detained in federal or state correctional facilities —the
8

highest number of any nation in the world, and sixty-five percent of these individuals
9

meet the criteria for substance abuse or dependence. Today, there are more people
behind bars for a drug offense than the number of people who were in prison or jail for
10

any crime in 1980.

The opioid epidemic evolved in three distinct waves. The first wave of deaths
11

began in the 1990s following a sharp increase in the prescribing of opioid analgesics.

As legislative efforts to reduce opioid prescribing took effect in the early-to-mid 2000s,
prescription opioid use declined, and heroin emerged as a more potent, cost-effective
12

alternative. The rapid rise in heroin-related deaths became apparent in 2010, marking
13

the second wave of the opioid epidemic. The emergence of illicitly-manufactured
14

fentanyl (IMF) sparked the third and deadliest wave of the epidemic in 2013. Overdose
15

deaths involving IMF rose by 540% between 2015 and 2016. In 2017, the death toll
reached 49,068, a record high that surpassed mortality rates due to breast cancer and gun

Bureau of Justice Statistics, “Total Correctional Population,” January 2017, ​available at
<​https://www.bjs.gov/index.cfm?tid=11&ty=tp​>.
8
D. Cann, “5 facts behind America's high incarceration rate,” CNN, July 10, 2018,​ available at
<​https://www.cnn.com/2018/06/28/us/mass-incarceration-five-key-facts/index.html​>.
9
J. Bronson et al., Bureau of Justice Statistics, ​Drug Use, Dependence, and Abuse Among State Prisoners
and Jail Inmates,​ NCJ 250546 (June 2017).
10
​Ibid.
11
Dasgupta, ​supra n
​ ote 4.
12
​See ​Lindsy Liu et. al, “History of the Opioid Epidemic How Did We Get Here?​”​ June 2018, ​available at
<​https://www.poison.org/articles/opioid-epidemic-history-and-prescribing-patterns-182​>.
13
Ibid.
14
Dasgupta ​supra​ note 4.
15
T. Green et al., “Detecting Fentanyl, Saving Lives,” Johns Hopkins Bloomberg School of Public Health,
2017, ​available at​ <​https://americanhealth.jhu.edu/fentanyl​>.
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violence. In October of 2017, the U.S. Department of Health and Human Services
17

issued a statement declaring the opioid crisis a national public health emergency.
18

The opioid epidemic is particularly acute in correctional facilities. Opioid
overdoses are the leading cause of premature mortality among recently incarcerated
19

persons, accounting for one-quarter of all deaths among this population. In North
Carolina, opioid overdoses accounted for fifty percent of all deaths among recently
20

incarcerated populations in 2015. The high mortality rates among prisoners with Opioid
Use Disorder (OUD) is a direct result of the institutional practice of forcing drug
21

abstinence on inmates. Forced abstinence precipitates physical withdrawal, which often
leads to severe and overwhelming cravings, while simultaneously reducing one’s
22

tolerance for opioids. The body’s reduced tolerance, combined with the high relapse
rates and potential exposure to highly toxic and deadly synthetic opioids, makes opioid

16

F. Pirani, the Atlanta Journal-Constitution, “Opioids now kill more Americans than guns or breast cancer,
CDC says,” December 21, 2017, ​available at
<​https://www.ajc.com/news/health-med-fit-science/opioids-now-kill-more-americans-than-guns-breast-c
ancer-cdc-says/DUx1KS33P4sbyzgj9T9rrN​>.
17
L. Kaplan, “Opioids: A Public Health Emergency,” ​The Nurse Practitioner, ​April 19, 2018, ​available at
<​https://journals.lww.com/tnpj/Citation/2018/04000/Opioids__A_public_health_emergency.2.aspx​>.
18
I.A. Binswanger et al., “Release from Prison—A High Risk of Death For Former Inmates,” New England
Journal of Medicine, 2007; 356:157-165., ​available at
<​https://www.nejm.org/doi/full/10.1056/NEJMsa064115​>.
19
M. Troilo, Prison Policy Initiative, “​We know how to prevent opioid overdose deaths for people leaving
prison. So why are prisons doing nothing?​ ” December 7, 2018, a
​ vailable at:​
<​https://www.prisonpolicy.org/blog/2018/12/07/opioids​/>.
20
​Id.
21
​See ​Binswanger, ​supra​ 16.
22
​Id.

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addicts particularly susceptible to suffering a fatal overdose in the first two weeks
23

following incarceration.

An extremely effective method for treating OUD is medication-assisted treatment
24

25

(MAT), which medical literature describes as the gold standard of treatment. MAT
combines FDA-approved medications with counseling and behavioral therapies to
26

provide a more holistic approach to the treatment of OUD. ​Studies involving the use of
MAT in correctional settings have yielded up to seventy-five percent reductions in
27

28

post-release overdoses, along with sharp reductions in relapse and recidivism. Despite
the evident short and long-term benefits to the individual prisoner, less than one percent
of U.S. correctional facilities currently offer these medications to incarcerated opioid
addicts.

29

​See supra 1
​ 9; ​see also N
​ ational Institute on Drug Abuse, "Treating Opioid Addiction in Criminal Justice
Settings," December 14, 2017, ​available at
<​https://www.drugabuse.gov/treating-opioid-addiction-in-criminal-justice-settings​>.
24
U.S. Food and Drug Administration, “​Information about Medication-Assisted Treatment (MAT),​ ”
February 13, 219, ​available at
<​https://www.fda.gov/Drugs/DrugSafety/InformationbyDrugClass/ucm600092.htm​>.
25
M. Mittal et al. “History of medication-assisted treatment and its association with initiating others into
injection drug use in San Diego, CA.” ​Substance abuse treatment, prevention​, and policy vol. 12,1 42. 3
Oct. 2017, doi:10.1186/s13011-017-0126-1.
26
Substance Abuse and Mental Health Services Administration (SAMHSA), “Medication-Assisted
Treatment,” ​available at​ <​https://www.integration.samhsa.gov/clinical-practice/mat/mat-overview​>.
27
L. Degenhardt, et al., “The impact of opioid substitution therapy on mortality post-release from prison:
retrospective data linkage study,” ​Addiction,​ 2014 Aug;109(8):1306-17. doi: 10.1111/add.12536.,
available at​ <​https://www.ncbi.nlm.nih.gov/pubmed/24612249​>.
28
Ibid​.; A. Joseph, “A novel approach to opioid addiction: access to treatment for all inmates,” STAT,
August 3, 2017, ​available at​ <​https://www.statnews.com/2017/08/03/opioid-treatment-prisons/​>.
29
T. Williams, “Opioid Users are Filling Jails. Why Don’t We Treat Them?” ​New York Times​, August 4, 2017,
available at
<​https://www.nytimes.com/2017/08/04/us/heroin-addiction-jails-methadone-suboxone-treatment.html​>
.
23

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This paper questions the constitutionality of denying prisoners with OUD access
to MAT. In particular, it argues that denying prisoners with OUD access to MAT
amounts to deliberate indifference to a serious medical need, and rises to the level of
cruel and unusual punishment under the Eighth Amendment. Part I of this paper
examines the elements of cruel and unusual punishment under the Eighth Amendment as
it pertains to claims involving inadequate medical care within correctional facilities. Part
II establishes that OUD is a serious medical condition for which treatment with MAT is
necessary, and denying prisoners with OUD access to MAT constitutes deliberate
indifference of a serious medical need under the principles outlined in Part I. Part III
examines the current correctional MAT programs that are in place and proposes a
statutory change that would mandate correctional facilities to make MAT accessible to
incarcerated opioid addicts.
I. REQUIREMENTS FOR AN EIGHTH AMENDMENT CLAIM ARISING OUT
OF INADEQUATE MEDICAL CARE
The Eighth Amendment to the United States Constitution prohibits the infliction
30

of “cruel and unusual punishment.” ​Estelle v. Gamble​ was a landmark case in which the
Supreme Court first applied the Eighth Amendment to matters involving the medical care
31

of prisoners. ​Estelle​ stands for the proposition that the Eighth Amendment requires that
correctional facilities provide prisoners a system of ready access to adequate medical

30
31

US Const. amend. VIII.
​Estelle v. Gamble​, 429 U.S. 97, 103 (1976).

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care. The Court reasoned that the government “has an obligation to provide medical
care for those whom it is punishes by incarceration” because “[a]n inmate must rely on
prison authorities to treat his medical needs; if the authorities fail to do so, those needs
33

will not be met.”

In ​Estelle, ​the Court outlined the standard of what a prisoner must plead in order
to prevail on a constitutional claim involving inadequate medical care under 42 U.S.C. §
34

1983. In particular, the Court held that a prisoner must allege conduct by prison officials
35

evincing a “deliberate indifference” to an objectively “serious medical need.” To obtain
relief, the prisoner must show that the medical need was objectively serious, and that
prison officials had subjective knowledge of the seriousness of the need and recklessly
36

disregarded the attendant risk of harm. Both elements must be met in order to prevail on
37

an Eighth Amendment challenge to adequacy of medical care.
A. ​What Qualifies as a “Serious Medical Need”

In ​Estelle​, the Court held that the Eighth Amendment may be violated by
38

depriving an inmate with a “serious medical need” access to medical treatment. The
court did not offer a bright line rule for what constitutes a “serious medical need,” except

​Ibid.
​Id.​ at 103.
34
​See Porter v. Nussle,​ 534 U.S. 516 (2002) (explaining that 42 U.S.C. § 1983 is the federal statute that
allows prisoners to sue the government for civil rights violations and that prisoners need not exhaust
administrative remedies prior to filing a claim).
35
​Estelle,​ 429 U.S. at 104.
36
​Farmer v. Brennan,​ 511 U.S. 825, 836 (1994).
37
​Ibid.
38
​Estelle,​ 429 U.S. at 103-04.
32
33

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to say that failure to treat it would “result in further significant injury” or cause
39

“unnecessary and wanton infliction of pain.” In ​Hill v. Dekalb Regional Youth
Detention Center,​ the Eleventh Circuit defined a “serious medical need” as “one that has
been diagnosed by a physician as mandating treatment,” or where failure to treat would
40

cause further injury or chronic pain to the prisoner. The majority of federal circuits have
41

adopted the ​Hill​ definition of “serious medical need;” some have also set-forth their own
factor-based analyses in determining what type of condition rises to the level of
42

“sufficiently serious” medical need.

The Second Circuit set forth a three-factor test in ​Chance v. Armstrong ​for
resolving whether a medical need was sufficiently serious to engender a constitutional
claim: (1) whether a reasonable doctor or patient would perceive the medical need to be
“important and worthy of comment;” (2) whether the condition significantly affected
43

activities of daily living; and (3) the existence of chronic and substantial pain. In this
case, the plaintiff’s unresolved dental condition, which caused him “great pain, difficulty
eating, and deterioration of the health of his other teeth,” was held to be sufficiently
44

serious to meet the ​Estelle​ standard.

​Id.​ at 104.
​Hill v. Dekalb Reg’l Youth Det. Ctr​., 40 F.3d 1176, 1187 (11th Cir. 1994); see also ​McGuckin v. Smith​, 974
F.2d at 1059-60 (1992).
41
​Id.;​ ​Gaudreault v. Municipality of Salem, Massachusetts,​ 923 F.2d 203 (1​st​ Cir. 1990); ​Sheldon v. Pezley,​
49 F.3d 1312, 1316 (8​th​ Cir.1995); ​Gutierrez v. Peters​, 111 F.3d 1364 (7​th​ Cir. 1997).
42
​McGuckin​, 974 F.2d at 1050;​ Chance v. Armstrong,​ 143 F.3d 69, 702 (2​nd​ Cir. 1998); ​Brock v. Wright,3
​ 15
F.3d 158, 162 (2nd Cir. 2003).
43
​Chance v. Armstrong,​ 143 F.3d 698, 702 (2​nd​ Cir. 1998).
44
​Id.​ at 702.
39
40

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In ​Brock v. Wright,​ the Second Circuit added a fourth factor to the three-part
inquiry outlined in ​Chance:​ the consequences of forgoing treatment and likelihood of a
45

favorable outcome with treatment. Here, the plaintiff suffered a serious knife wound to
his face after being slashed with a razor, which progressed into a disfiguring keloid scar
46

that left him unable to move his mouth. The prison physician referred the plaintiff to a
47

dermatologist for steroid injections—an order that prison officials refused to abide by.
The Second Circuit reversed the lower court’s ruling that keloid formation was not a

sufficiently serious need, explaining that it was not up the court to pass judgment on “the
quality of evidence . . . regarding the keloid’s effect on the plaintiff’s condition or
48

severity of his disfigurement, ” and that “the Eighth Amendment forbids not only
deprivations of medical care that produce physical torture and lingering death, but also
49

less serious denials which cause or perpetuate pain."

Chance​ and ​Brock e​ xemplify the level of deference given by courts to the
50

judgment of medical personnel as it relates to the seriousness of a medical need. In
Bowring v. Godwin​, the Fourth Circuit similarly held that it was improper for the district
court to discount the observations of competent medical personnel when it granted the
51

defendants’ motion for summary judgment. The Second Circuit reiterated this principle
in ​Smith v. Carpenter,​ explaining that, because the severity of medical need depends on

​Brock v. Wright, 3
​ 15 F.3d 158, 162 (2nd Cir. 2003)
​Id.​ at 158, 160.
47
​Id.​ at 162.
48
​Id.​ at 164.
49
​Id.​ at 163; ​see also​ ​Todaro v. Ward​, 565 F.2d 48, 52 (2d Cir. 1977).
50
​Bowring v. Godwin​ 551 F.2d 44, 48 (4th Cir. 1977).
51
Id.​ at 46
45
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the facts surrounding each individual prisoner, courts should defer to the judgement of
prison medical staff in determining whether medical need is sufficiently serious as a
52

matter of law.

Serious medical needs are not necessarily limited to a physical condition or even
53

present suffering. In ​Helling v. McKinney​, the Court held that that deliberate
indifference to a serious medical need could be based upon a possible future harm to
54

health. The court in that case held that involuntary exposure to second-hand smoke
55

amounted to deliberate indifference. According to the court’s opinion, as long as the
risk of harm is obvious and known to cause injury or illness, and the risk could be abated
with reasonable effort, then this constituted deliberate indifference to a serious medical
56

need. Many federal circuits have since allowed claims premised on adverse medical
57

events occurring after the inmate’s release.

In summary, the majority of federal circuits have adopted the definition of a
serious medical need as being “one that has been diagnosed by a physician as mandating
treatment,” or where failure to treat “would cause further injury or chronic pain to the
58

prisoner.” Many circuits have also adopted factor-based tests to help delineate the

Smith v. Carpenter​, 316 F.3d 178 (2d Cir. 2003).
​Helling v. McKinney,​ 509 U.S. 25, 27-28 (1993); ​McKinney v. Anderson,​ 924 F.2d 1500 (9​th​ Cir. 1991).
54
​Helling,​ 509 U.S. at 28-30.
55
​Id.​ at 31-33.
56
​Id.​ at 36.
57
​Id.​ at 33, 36; see also ​Wakefield v. Thompson​, 777 F.3d 1160 (9​th​ Cir. 1999) (explaining that the
government’s duty of care to the prisoner extends beyond the period of incarceration until they are able
to secure medical care on their own behalf); see also ​Atkinson v. Taylor,​ 316 F.3d 257 (3​rd​ Cir. 2003)
(reiterating that prison officials violate the Eighth Amendment when they expose prisoners to levels of
environmental tobacco smoke that pose a risk of harm to the prisoners’ future health).
58
​Hill,​ 40 F.3d at 1176, 1187; see also ​McGuckin v. Smith,​ 974 F.2d at 1059-60 (1992).
52
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seriousness of a medical need: (1) whether a reasonable doctor or patient would perceive
the medical need to be “important and worthy of comment;” (2) whether the condition
significantly affected activities of daily living; and (3) the existence of chronic and
59

substantial pain. Courts also consider the consequences of foregoing treatment and the
60

likelihood that the treatment would yield a favorable outcome.
B​. The Deliberate Indifference Standard

The ​Estelle​ Court held that “deliberate indifference” towards a prisoner’s serious
medical need violates the Eighth Amendment’s prohibition against cruel and unusual
61

punishment. To qualify as “deliberate indifference,” the correctional staff’s action must
“disregard a substantial risk of harm” that results in the “unnecessary and wanton
62

infliction of pain.” The deliberate indifference standard is akin to criminal recklessness
in that it requires a showing that the prison official knew of a substantial risk of harm and
63

consciously disregarded that risk.

Proof of knowledge of a substantial risk of harm does not require prison officials
64

to be aware of a risk from a specific source. ​ Proof may be proven by direct evidence,
such as medical records, sick call requests, or formal grievances, or it may be inferred

​Chance​, 143 F.3d at 698.
​Brock, 3
​ 15 F.3d at 162.
61
​Estelle,​ 429 U.S. at 97.
62
​Farmer v. Brennan,​ 511 U.S. 825, 836-37 (1994); see also​ Redman v. RadioShack Corp.​, 769 F.3d 622 (7​th
Cir. 2014) (defining criminal recklessness as “knowledge of a serious risk to another person, coupled with
failure to avert the risk though it could easily have been averted”).
63
Farmer, ​511 U.S. at 839-40.
64
​Id.​ at 837.
59
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from circumstantial evidence showing that the risk of harm was obvious. In ​Farmer v.
Brennan​, the Court held that prison official cannot "escape liability if the evidence
showed that he merely refused to verify underlying facts that he strongly suspected to be
66

true, or declined to confirm inferences of risk that he strongly suspected to exist."
In ​Madrid v. Gomez,​ a district court found the Pelican Bay Prison to be

constitutionally deficient because prison officials had “an abundant knowledge of
inadequacies” in the prison healthcare system and failed to remedy them, thereby
“practically ensuring that inmates would endure unnecessary pain, suffering, debilitating
67

disease, and death. In ​Coleman v. Wilson​ that the mental health care system in
California state prisons was “grossly deficient,” and that incarcerated prisoners faced “an
objectively intolerable risk of harm” as a result of these deficiencies, which were so
68

patently obvious as to make the “prison officials’ claims of ignorance unbelievable.”

In ​McElligott v. Foley,​ the Eleventh Circuit outlined the following criteria for
deliberate indifference claims: (1) subjective knowledge of a risk of serious harm; (2)
69

disregard of that risk; and (3) by conduct that is “more than mere negligence.” Conduct
that is “more than mere negligence” may manifest in a number of ways, including
70

knowledge of a serious medical need and refusal to provide care, delaying treatment for

​Id.​ at 844.
​Id.​ at 843.
67
​Madrid v. Gomez​, 889 F. Supp. 1146, 1210 (N.D. Cal. 1995).
68
​Coleman v. Wilson,​ 912 F. Supp. 1282, 1316-19 (E.D. Cal. 1995).
69
​McElligott v. Foley,​ 182 F.3d 1248, 1255 (11th Cir. 1999); ​Brown v. Johnson,​ 387 F.3d 1344, 1351 (11th
Cir. 2004).
70
Estelle​, 429 U.S. at 105.
65
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non-medical reasons, refusal to carry out medical orders, or care that is “so cursory
73

that it amounts to no treatment at all.” Though disagreement between medical staff and
prisoner over what constitutes proper treatment does not establish deliberate indifference,
74

a physician may be deliberately indifferent if “he or she consciously chooses an easier
75

and less efficacious treatment plan.”

Systemic challenges to prison medical care systems are also governed by the
deliberate indifference standard.76 It is well-established that prisons must provide a
77

system of ready access to adequate medical care. An adequate system of medical care
requires “[s]ervices at a level reasonably commensurate with modern medical science and
78

of a quality acceptable within prudent professional standards,” and at "a level of health
services reasonably designed to meet routine and emergency medical, dental and
79

80

psychological or psychiatric care.” Accordingly, inadequate staffing, lack of basic

​Murphy v. Walker,​ 51 F.3d 714, 719 (7th Cir. 1995) (holding that a two-month delay in treatment for a
head injury amounted to deliberate indifference); ​Natale v. Camden County Correctional Facility,​ 318 F.3d
575 (3rd Cir. 2003) (finding deliberate indifference where prison officials waited 21 hours to provide
insulin to a diabetic prisoner).
72
​Brock, 3
​ 15 F.3d at 158; see also ​Koehl v. Dalsheim​, 85 F.3d 86, 88 (2nd Cir. 1996) (finding deliberate
indifference when prison officials refused to provide eyeglasses that were prescribed); ​Erickson v.
Holloway,​ 77 F.3d 1078, 1080 (8th Cir. 1996) (holding that failure to comply with emergency room
aftercare instructions amounted to deliberate indifference).
73
​McElligott, ​182 F.3d at 1248.
74
​Stewart v. Murphy,​ 174 F.3d 530, 535 (5th Cir. 1999).
75
​Williams v. Vincent,​ 508 F.2d 541, 544 (2d Cir. 1974); see also ​Waldrop v. Evans,​ 871 F.2d 1030, 1035
(11th Cir. 1989) (reaffirming position that "choice of an easier but less efficacious course of treatment can
constitute deliberate indifference").
76
​Hutto v. Finney,​ 437 U.S. 678 (1978).
77
​Estelle,​ 429 U.S. at 105.
78
​United States v. DeCologero,​ 821 F.2d 39, 43 (1st Cir. 1987); See also ​Fernandez v. United State​s, 941
F.2d 1488, 1493-94 (11th Cir. 1991) (citing to ​DeCologero​).
79
​Ramos v. Lamm​, 639 F.2d 559, 574 (10th Cir. 1980);​ Hoptwowit v. Ray,​ 682 F.2d 1237 (9​th​ Cir. 1982)
(reaffirming that a prison’s medical care system is constitutionally deficient when it fails to comply with
medical standards set forth by the AMA).
80
​Id. a​ t 1252.
71

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psychiatric or mental health services, deficiencies in equipment, space, or medical
82

83

record systems, prison overcrowding, and failure to comply by basic medical
84

standards set forth by the American Medical Association (AMA) are just a few of the
many reasons for which prisons have been deemed to be constitutionally deficient.
C.​ Summary of Deliberate Indifference to a Serious Medical Need
The Eighth Amendment prohibits cruel and unusual punishment, which may be
85

evidenced through reckless disregard for a serious medical need. To give rise to a
colorable constitutional claim for inadequate medical care, both the objective “serious
86

medical need” and subjective “deliberate indifference” standards must be met. Courts
are likely to find a "serious medical need" if a condition "has been diagnosed by a
physician as mandating treatment” and failure to treat a prisoner’s condition results in
87

further significant injury or the unnecessary and wanton infliction of pain. ​A prison or
prison official demonstrates "deliberate indifference" to a serious medical need if they are
aware of a substantial risk of harm and disregard that risk by conduct that exceeds
88

negligence.

​Id. a​ t 1253.
​Ibid.​
83
​Lareau v. Manson, ​651 F.2d 96, 98 (2nd Cir. 1981) (explaining that overcrowding of prisons can be a
basis for an Eighth Amendment violation when it increases violence or dilutes the provision
constitutionally required services).
84
​Hoptwowit,​ 682 F.2d at 1237.
85
​Estelle,​ 429 U.S. at 104.
86
​Id.​
87
​Farmer,​ 511 U.S. at 842; ​Clement v. Gomez​, 298 F.3d 898, 904 (9th Cir. 2002).
88
​Farmer,​ 511 U.S. at 843.
81
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II. FAILURE TO TREAT OUD WITH MAT IN CORRECTIONAL FACILITIES
AMOUNTS TO CRUEL AND UNUSUAL PUNISHMENT
This paper argues that prison officials display deliberate indifference to the
serious medical needs of prisoners by refusing to make MAT accessible to prisoners with
OUD. OUD rises to the level of “serious medical need” because it is a diagnosed diseased
that mandates treatment with MAT, failure to treat OUD results in unnecessary pain and
suffering, and even death. This conduct exceeds negligence; it displays reckless disregard
for the health and safety of inmates with OUD and represents a substantial departure from
accepted medical standards. Thus, correctional facilities violate the Eighth Amendment
when denying prisoners with OUD access to MAT.
A. ​OUD is a Serious Medical Need
OUD has clear guidance for diagnosis as both a brain disease and mental illness. The
American Society of Addiction Medicine (ASAM) defines addiction as a chronic disease
89

that changes both the structure and function of the brain. Like other chronic diseases,
addiction has a genetic component, involves cycles of relapse and remission, and failure
90

to treat it can cause progression of the disease and premature death. OUD is also

American Society of Addiction Medicine, “Public Policy Statement: Definition of Addiction,” 2011, ​ASAM,
available at
<​http://www.asam.org/advocacy/find-a-policy-statement/viewpolicy-statement/public-policy-statements
/2011/12/15/thedefinition-of-addiction​>.
90
​Id.​
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classified as a mental illness with a clear definition under the Diagnostic and Statistical
91

Manual of Mental Disorders, Fifth Edition (DSM-5).

OUD’s classification as a brain disease and mental illness makes it a serious medical
need under established legal standards. Specifically, OUD is a diagnosed condition that
mandates medical treatment, thereby meeting the definition of a “serious medical need”
outlined in ​Hill​. OUD also rises to the level of “sufficiently serious” when analyzed
under the Second Circuit’s four-factor inquiry set forth in ​Brock​: OUD is reasonably
considered to be an important condition, significantly affects daily activities, causes
chronic and substantial pain, and has significant consequences for foregoing treatment.
1. OUD is a Diagnosed Condition that Mandates Treatment with MAT
The DSM-5 defines OUD as a “problematic pattern of opioid use leading to clinically
92

significant impairment or distress.”​ A DSM-5 diagnosis for OUD requires two or more
of the following: (1) cravings for opioids; (2) escalating opioid use; (3) loss of control or
inability to abstain from opioid use; (4) continued use, despite apparent negative
consequence; (5) recurrent opioid use in physically hazardous situations (i.e. sharing
93

needles); (6) neglecting major life roles; and (7) tolerance and physical withdrawal. The
clear diagnostic guidelines provided by the DSM-5 for OUD renders it a diagnosable
condition as required by the ​Hill d​ efinition of “serious medical need.”

American Psychiatric Association ​Diagnostic and Statistical Manual of Mental Disorders,​ 5​th​ ed.
(Arlington, VA: American Psychiatric Association Publishing, 2013).
92
​See A
​ SAM​ supra​ 72.
93
​Id.​
91

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94

Once diagnosed, OUD also mandates medical treatment.

The recommended
95

treatment for OUD is known as “medication-assisted treatment” (MAT). MAT
combines the use of FDA-approved medications and counseling to provide a “whole
96

person” approach to the treatment of OUD.​ When compared to abstinence-based
models for treating OUD, MAT is vastly superior in terms of efficacy, long-term
97

treatment retention, and safety profile.

There are three FDA-approved medications commonly used as part of MAT to
98

treat OUD: buprenorphine, naltrexone, and methadone. These medications significantly
reduce the risk of overdose fatalities by blocking the effects of other opioids and
99

heightening tolerance to opioids. Even without the therapy component, buprenorphine
and methadone are still viewed as being highly efficacious on their own in treating OUD.
100

In fact, the World Health Organization (WHO) lists buprenorphine and methadone as

“essential medicines” considered to be the “most effective and safe to meet the most

Center for Substance Abuse Treatment, ​Medication-Assisted Treatment for Opioid Addiction in Opioid
Treatment Programs​, Treatment Improvement Protocol Series 23 (Revised 2012).
94

95

Id.​
Robert P. Schwartz et al., “Opioid Agonist Treatments and Heroin Overdose Deaths in Baltimore,
Maryland, 1995-2009,” American Journal of Public Health 103, no. 5 (2013): 917–22, available at
<​http://www.ncbi.nlm.nih.gov/pmc/articles/PMC3670653​>.
98
Substance Abuse and Mental Health Services Administration, “​Medication-Assisted Treatment (MAT​)​”
February 7​th​, 2018, available at <​https://www.samhsa.gov/medication-assisted-treatment​>.
99
See​ Binswanger, ​supra 1
​ 7.
100
O. Khazan, “America’s Health-Care System, is Making the Opioid Crisis Worse.” ​The Atlantic,​ November
20, 2018, available at<
https://www.theatlantic.com/health/archive/2018/11/why-heroin-and-fentanyl-addicts-cant-get-treatme
nt/576118/​>.
96
97

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101

important needs in a health system.”

Thus, OUD also meets the second prong of ​Hill,

as it is a diagnosable medical condition that mandates medical treatment.
2. The Consequences of Denying Access to MAT are Significant
The importance of OUD as a condition, its effect on the addict’s daily life, the
physical pain it causes and the significant of the consequences for foregoing treatment are
best exemplified by examining the effects of withdrawal from opioids. The symptoms of
opioid withdrawal syndrome (OWS) can include nausea, vomiting, cold sweats,
restlessness, body aches, depression, anxiety, aggression, insomnia, and even seizures.​

102

Brown University professor Josiah D. Rich, director and co-founder of the Center for
Prisoner Health and Human Rights at the Miriam Hospital in Rhode Island, describes the
horrors that opioid addicts experience when forced to withdraw cold-turkey:
“Almost everybody who is withdrawing from opioids feels
like they’re dying. It is a horrible, horrible feeling. Imagine
the worst flu you ever had, and then imagine the worst
stomach bug you ever had, with nausea and vomiting and
diarrhea. Add those two things together and multiply it by

World Health Organization, “​WHO Model Lists of Essential Medicine,​ ” 2017, available at:
<​https://www.who.int/medicines/publications/essentialmedicines/EML_2017_ExecutiveSummary.pdf?ua
=1​>.
102
A. Lautiere, “Opioid Withdrawal Timelines, Symptoms and Treatment,” ​American Addiction Centers,​
March 28, 2019, available at:
<​https://americanaddictioncenters.org/withdrawal-timelines-treatments/opiate​>.
101

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between 100 and 1,000, and that’s starting to get at what it
103

feels like.”

Symptoms of opioid withdrawals can be alleviated with medications like
104

methadone and buprenorphine.

These medications work by attaching to opioid

receptors in the brain, thereby “tricking” the body into thinking the person is taking
105

opioids.

This has the dual effect of alleviating painful withdrawal symptoms and
106

reducing cravings, while simultaneously heightening tolerance for opioids.

This, in
107

turn, significantly decreases the likelihood of relapse and overdose upon release.
The data surrounding the use of MAT to treat prisoners with OUD is

overwhelming and unequivocal, yielding up to seventy-five percent reductions in
108

overdose fatalities upon release from a correctional facility.

Initiating treatment with

MAT in correctional facilities also promotes long-term retention in treatment, and
109

reduces relapse and recidivism rates by up to sixty percent.

Moreover, MAT and its

V. Kim, ”Family To Sue After Father-Of-Four Dies From Withdrawal In Prison,” ​The Fix,​ January 10, 2018,
available at​ <​https://www.thefix.com/family-sue-after-father-four-dies-withdrawal-prison​>.
104
​Lautiere​, supra 88
105
Gateway Foundation, “Medication-Assisted Treatment Program,” 2018, ​available at
<​https://www.gatewayfoundation.org/addiction-treatment-programs/medication-assisted-treatment-pro
gram/​>.
106
L​ autiere, supra 88
107
​Id.
108
R. Chandler et al., “Treating Drug Abuse and Addiction in the Criminal Justice System: Improving Public
Health and Safety,” ​JAMA, ​January 2019, ​available at
<​https://www.ncbi.nlm.nih.gov/pmc/articles/PMC2681083/​>.
109
T. Green et el., “Postincarceration Fatal Overdoses After Implementing Medications for Addiction
Treatment in a Statewide Correctional System,” ​JAMA Psychiatry,​ April 2018, ​available at
<​https://jamanetwork.com/journals/jamapsychiatry/article-abstract/2671411​>.
103

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corresponding medications has been shown to increase social functioning, and decrease
110

collateral harms associated with illicit drug use, such as HIV and Hepatitis C.

OUD clearly constitutes a “serious medical need” that entitles prisoners to
treatment with MAT. OUD is recognized as a chronic brain disorder that is progressive
and fatal, and the perceived need for treatment is great, particularly considering the high
111

mortality rates among prisoners with untreated OUD.

The high risk of death associated

with untreated OUD would clearly be “sufficiently serious” to qualify as a medical need.
Treatment with MAT halts the disease progression, prevents unnecessary pain and
suffering associated with OWS, and most importantly, reduces the risk of overdose
112​

fatalities.

The prognosis of OUD after treatment with MAT is favorable, and the

consequences of foregoing treatment are severe. Based on these factors, OUD rises to the
level of “serious medical need,” and failure to provide treatment constitutes deliberate
indifference of this need.
B. ​Failure to Treat OUD with MAT Constitutes Deliberate Indifference
According to well-established federal case law, prison officials display deliberate
indifference towards a serious medical need of a prisoner when they disregard a serious
113

risk of harm of which they are aware through conduct that is beyond mere negligence.

This can be established in a number of ways, including refusal to provide care in light of

​Id.​
​See B
​ inswanger, ​supra 1​ 7.
112
​See​ Chandler, ​supra​ 91.
113
​Farme​r, 511 U.S. at 837.
110
111

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the risk of harm, delaying or refusing treatment for nonmedical needs, or even a decision
114

to take an easier, but less efficacious form of treatment.

In light of the current, ongoing opioid crisis, the dangers of untreated OUD are
well-documented. The opioid crisis is particularly acute in correctional facilities, where
115

nearly one-third of opioid addicts will end up at any given year . Despite the high
volume of prisoners with OUD and the well-established efficacy of MAT, opioid addicts
116

rarely receive treatment while incarcerated.

Though there are many risks associated

with untreated OUD in correctional facilities, this section will focus on the two most
severe, concretes risks: death and disease.
Experts in the field of addiction medicine have deemed incarceration to be the most
117

“lethal point” of an opioid addiction.

​Incarceration usually leads to prolonged periods

of abstinence and, though drug use ceases during these periods, the addiction itself does
not. The body’s reduction in tolerance, combined with possible exposure to synthetic
opioids upon relapse, significantly heightens the prisoner’s risk of overdose upon release.
118

A Washington State study found that the risk of premature mortality among recently
119

incarcerated opioid addicts is 129 times greater than that of the general population.

​See W
​ aldorp,​ supra​ note 62.
A. Fox et al., “Release from incarceration, relapse to opioid use and the potential for buprenorphine
maintenance treatment: a qualitative study of the perceptions of former inmates with opioid use
disorder,” ​Addiction Science​, January 16, 2015, a
​ vailable at​:
<​https://www.ncbi.nlm.nih.gov/pmc/articles/PMC4410477/>.
116
​See N
​ ew York Times,​ supra​ 22.
117
D. Wohl et al., “HIV and Incarceration: Dual Epidemics.” ​AIDS Read, M
​ ay 2006, ​available at
<​https://www.ncbi.nlm.nih.gov/pubmed/16764066​>.
118
​See​ Binswanger, ​supra 1
​ 7.
119
​Id.
114
115

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Another serious risk among prisoners with OUD who do not receive treatment is
120

possible contraction of communicable diseases.

Hepatitis C is communicable disease

that is primarily contracted through shared needle use, a fairly common practice among
121

incarcerated opioid addicts.

One study found that the rate of hepatitis C among

incarcerated opioid addicts was seventeen times higher than for non-incarcerated addicts.
122

New infections of hepatitis C have tripled as a direct result of the ongoing opioid
123

epidemic.

Research has also shown direct evidence of ongoing hepatitis C transmission
124

among incarcerated opioid addicts.

This is largely the true for HIV as well, the
125

prevalence of which is three times higher in incarcerated opioid addicts.

The attendant risks of untreated OUD in correctional settings are obvious and
severe. There is no greater risk than a risk to one’s life or health and, prison officials
knowingly and consciously disregard that risk by denying prisoners access to MAT.
Proof of knowledge of the risk need not be shown; proof can come from the “very fact
126

that the risk is obvious.”

Given the acute nature of the opioid epidemic in correctional

settings, where nearly sixty-five percent of all prisoners meet the criteria for substance

120

A.L. Beckman et al., “New Hepatitis C Drugs are Very Costly and Unavailable to Many State Prisoners,”
Health Affairs​ 35 (2016): 1893-1901.
121
​Id.
122
​Id.
123
S. Scutti, “New Hepatitis C Infections Triple Due to Opioid Epidemic,” CNN, May 11, 2017, ​available at
<​https://www.cnn.com/2017/05/11/health/hepatitis-c-rates-cdc-study/index.html​>.
124
L. Clemens-Cope et al., “Medicaid Coverage of Effective Treatments for OUD,” Urban Institute, June
2017, ​available at​ <
https://www.urban.org/research/publication/medicaid-coverage-effective-treatment-opioid-use-disorder
>
125
K. Dolan et al., “People who Inject Drugs in Prison: HIV Prevalence, Transmission, and Prevention,”
International Journal of Drug Police​ 26 (2015): 512-515.
126
Farmer, 511 U.S. at 842.

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127

abuse,

and where drug overdoses are the leading cause of death among recently
128

incarcerated populations,

this burden is fairly easy to establish.

Deliberate indifference is more obvious if prisoners have access to medical
providers who cannot provide the standard of care. The decision of whether or not to
offer MAT typically comes from prison administrators, as opposed to doctors relying on
129​

medical judgment.

A survey of prison administrators nationwide found that opposition

for institutional MAT programs is based on cost or preference for abstinence-based
130

treatment.

Cost is not a valid defense to constitutional violations, even when legislative
131

underfunding makes it impossible to pay.

A Florida district court recently issued a

preliminary injunction against a state prison for failure to treat thousands of prisoners
132

with hepatitis C, in spite of the $37,000 cost of treatment per prisoner.

In any event, the

cost of establishing MAT programs is not an obstacle to treatment; a daily dose of
133

methadone and buprenorphine cost as little as $0.40 and $3, respectively, a tiny fraction
134

of the average $91 per day it costs to detain someone.

The Seventh Circuit definition of deliberate indifference involves a decision that
is “such a substantial departure from accepted professional judgment, practice, or

Bronson, ​supra​ 16; NIDA ​supra​ 18.
Troilo, ​supra​ 17,
129
A. Nunn et al., “Methadone and Buprenorphine Prescribing and Referral Practices in US Prison
Systems,” ​Drug and Alcohol Dependence,​ 105 (2009): 83-85.
130
​Id.
131
​Hoffer v. Jones​, 207 US Dist. LEXIS 194544 at *6.
132
​Id.
133
​See N
​ ew York Times,​ supra​ 22.
134
E. Mills, “The Price of Prisons​,” Vera Institute of Justice,​ 2015, ​available at
<​https://www.vera.org/publications/price-of-prisons-2015-state-spending-trends/price-of-prisons-2015-s
tate-spending-trends/price-of-prisons-2015-state-spending-trends-prison-spending​>.
127
128

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standards, as to demonstrate that the person responsible did not base their decision on
135

medical judgment.”

Refusal to treat OUD with MAT represents a substantial departure

from accepted professional judgement, as the medical and addiction treatment
communities regard MAT as a first-line treatment for OUD. Even if the decision to refuse
MAT was premised on medical judgment, it might still rise to the level of deliberate
indifference. It is well-established that MAT is vastly superior to abstinence-based
treatments, and courts have held deliberate indifference can be shown through the
136

decision to provide a less efficacious form of treatment.

Moreover, abstinence-based

treatments require some form of counseling or behavioral treatment in order to be
137

effective, which correctional facilities rarely provide.

Thus, forced abstinence is not a

viable approach to OUD; it effectively amounts to nothing at all.
III. THE GOVERNMENT HAS AN OBLIGTION TO MEET THE MEDICAL
NEEDS OF PERSONS THAT IT INCARCERATES
In ​Estelle,​ the Supreme Court outlined the state’s broad obligations to provide
138

services to the prisoner because they cannot otherwise care for themselves.

The Ninth

Circuit clarified in ​Hoptowit​ that “access to medical staff has no meaning if the staff is
not competent to deal with the prisoners’ problems,” and that, if it cannot treat the

​Williams,​ 508 F.2d at 541; ​see supra​ note 16.
E. Sarlin, “Long-Term Follow-Up of Medication-Assisted Treatment for Addiction to Pain Relievers
Yields “Cause for Optimism,’ November 30, 2015​, NIDA, available​ at
<​https://www.drugabuse.gov/news-events/nida-notes/2015/11/long-term-follow-up-medication-assisted
-treatment-addiction-to-pain-relievers-yields-cause-optimism​>.
137
D. James et al., Bureau of Justice Statistics, ​Mental Health Problems of Prison and Jail Inmates,​ NCJ
213600 (September 2006).
138
​Estelle,​ 429 U.S. at 97, 103.
135
136

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139

medical needs of prisoners, it “must refer prisoners to others that can.”

Lack of access

to basic medical and psychiatric care, or failure to comply with basic standards of care set
140

forth by the American Medical Society, renders a facility constitutionally deficient.

In order to rectify these blatant constitutional deficiencies, there must be federal
legislation mandating that correctional facilities set up programs to dispense medications
like buprenorphine and methadone to prisoners with OUD. MAT expansion requires
institutional support, and most correctional facilities are slow to get behind this treatment
modality because of reasons that are entirely unrelated to medical judgment. Most courts
would agree that, if a correctional facility disallowed physicians from treating chronic
conditions like HIV, hypertension, diabetes, or cancer with the requisite standard of care,
this would almost always entitle the prisoner to relief and likely result in injunctions or
fines. OUD should be no different.
In 2016, the Rhode Island Department of Corrections launched a statewide
141

program uniformly expanding access to MAT to incarcerated opioid addicts.

The

statewide program, which is the first of its kind, offers all three MAT medications to
142

inmates with OUD throughout the duration of their incarceration.

Within the first

twelve months of implementation, the program yielded a 61% reduction in
143

post-incarceration fatalities, along with sharp reductions in recidivism.

Whereas the

​Id.​ at 103; ​Hoptwowit,​ 682 F.2d at 1237-38.
​Hoptwowit,​ 682 F.2d at 1237.
141
T. Green et al., “Postincarceration Fatal Overdoses After Implementing Medications for Addiction
Treatment in a Statewide Correctional System,” ​JAMA Psychiatry​ 2018;75(4):405-407., available at
<​https://jamanetwork.com/journals/jamapsychiatry/fullarticle/2671411​>.
142
​Ibid.
143
​Id.​ at 405-06.
139
140

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144

nationwide overdose death toll grew by a 12% between 2016 and 2017,
145

declined by 12% during that period.

Rhode Island’s

Despite the demonstrated efficacy of offering

MAT to incarcerated opioid addicts, only 30 of the nation’s 5,100 jails and prisons have
146

followed suit.

Mandatory MAT programs in correctional facilities would serve several purposes.
First and foremost, it would put the decision of whether or not to treat a prisoner with
MAT back in the hands of the patients and their doctors, as opposed to prison
administrators who have no medical training and are not fit to make treatment decision.
This is particularly important considering OUD is a condition in which the provision of
treatment is the difference between life and death. Meta-analyses have shown long-term
benefits to MAT access in correctional facilities, both to the individual prisoner and
147

public health and safety as a whole.

Institutional MAT programs result in significant
148

reductions in post-release overdose fatalities, relapse and recidivism.

Facilities that
149

offer MAT have also seen communal reductions in rates of HIV and hepatitis C.

Thus,

L. Scholl et al., “​Drug and Opioid-Involved Overdose Deaths — United States, 2013–2017”​ CDC
Morbidity and Mortality Weekly Report (MMWR), January 4, 2019 / 67(5152);1419–1427, available at
<​https://www.cdc.gov/mmwr/volumes/67/wr/mm675152e1.htm​>.
145
Green ​supra​ 140.
146
T. Williams, “Opioid Users are Filling Jails. Why Don’t We Treat Them?” ​New York Times​, August 4,
2017, ​available at
<​https://www.nytimes.com/2017/08/04/us/heroin-addiction-jails-methadone-suboxone-treatment.html​>
.
147
E.L.C. Merrall et al., “Meta-Analysis of Drug-Related Overdose Deaths Soon After Release from Prison,”
Addiction 105 (2010): 1549, ​available at ​<h
​ ttps://www.ncbi.nlm.nih.gov/pmc/articles/PMC2955973/​>.
148
​Ibid.
149
K. Dolan et al., “People who Inject Drugs in Prison: HIV Prevalence, Transmission, and Prevention,”
International Journal of Drug Police​ 26 (2015): 512-515.
144

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mandatory MAT programs in correctional facilities would simultaneously tackle many of
the numerous harms associated with untreated OUD.
Another favorable solution would be to decriminalize drug addiction altogether.
In ​Robinson v. California,​ the Supreme Court has held that the status of being an addict is
150​

not a crime in it of itself;

however, in light of our current drug laws, it is impossible to

separate addiction from crime. For example, in most states, simple drug possession is a
crime, and drug use necessitates drug possession. Portugal is an excellent example of the
harm reduction that results from decriminalization. After decriminalizing possession of
all illicit drugs in 2001, Portugal now has the second-lowest overdose rate per 100,000
151

citizens of any country in the world.

Portugal, which once had the highest

drug-transmitted HIV infection rate, now has the lowest rates of new HIV transmission
152

from intravenous drug use than any other country in the European Union.

The bottom line is that the United States government has an obligation to provide
prisoners access to medical care when it chooses to incarcerate someone. If the
government insists on criminalizing addiction, thereby compounding the effects of the
opioid crisis, correctional facilities should at the very least carry the burden of treating
and contributing to the rehabilitation of incarcerated addicts.

​Robinson v. California,​ 370 U.S. 660 (1962).
N. Bajekal, “Want to Win the War on Drugs? Portugal Might Have the Answer,” ​TIME​, August 1, 2018,
available at <​http://time.com/longform/portugal-drug-use-decriminalization/>
152
T. Newman, “Portugal’s Dramatic Declines in Overdose Deaths, HIV Infections & Drug Arrests Draw
Those Hit Hardest by U.S. Drug War to Investigate Further,” ​Drug Policy Alliance,​ March 7, 2018,​ available
at
<​http://www.drugpolicy.org/press-release/2018/03/us-delegation-heads-portugal-march-19-22-learn-cou
ntrys-groundbreaking-drug​>.
150
151

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CONCLUSION
There are many frustrating aspects of the opioid crisis, among them being that it
continues to worsen despite the existence of safe and effective, yet woefully underutilized
treatments. Medications like methadone and buprenorphine have been shown to
drastically reduce the harms associated with OUD, including overdose fatalities and risk
153

of contracting communicable diseases.

Experts are unanimous in that early intervention
154

with MAT is key to saving lives and reducing the opioid-related death toll;

and our

current system is inimical to this mission; incarceration not only delays this crucial
intervention and treatment, it renders addicts more susceptible to overdosing upon
release. Thus, when prisons refuse to provide treatment for OUD within their facilities,
they exhibit deliberate indifference to a serious medical need. This deprivation of care
amounts to cruel and unusual punishment as a matter of law, and entitles the prisoner to
relief under 42 U.S.C. § 1983.

153
154

​See​ Dolan, ​supra,​ 109.
See​ Troilo, ​supra 1
​ 9; NIDA,​ supra​ 23.

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